Wednesday, October 7, 2015

Ceylon Today Editorial


Book Recalcitrant VIPs

08th October 2015



The arrest of former UPFA MP and Matale District MP Janaka Bandara Tennakoon in connection with a murder committed in December 1999 shows that the island's justice system, though being battered and bruised, is still working.(See the lead story of this newspaper's yesterday's edition).

These are crimes which have had taken place in the South, where the writ of Colombo reigned, even in the dark days of the LTTE, where the terrorists' writ ran in most parts of the North and East (NE) at that time.

During the period this murder was committed, Tennakoon was an MP of the then ruling PA Government, the predecessor of the present UPFA coalition. The predominant partner in both of these coalitions was the SLFP, Sri Lanka's second largest political party after the UNP.

Tennakoon first entered Parliament in 1994 on the ticket of the PA, which romped home winners, at that year's election. He has been serving as an MP since. In the 21 years that followed, the PA, or alternatively its successor the UPFA, have been governing the country for 17 years.

The four years in which the PA/UPFA were out of power was, firstly, during the two year and four month period when the UNP governed the country from December 2001 to April 2004 and the other, from January of this year to the present.

A murder is a serious crime. It's not an offence as mild as a trespass. Prosecutions of such cases should take place immediately. But the tragedy is that justice to the victim and to the victim's family in this case appears to be working after a hiatus of 16 years.

There may be a presumption that the reason why there may have been a delay in justice being meted out was because the accused was a man of influence, being first an MP of the then ruling party and subsequently a minister.

If that may be so, wonder why no action was taken against the accused when his party, in that brief period, from December 2001 to April 2004 was out of power?

Nevertheless, there is a legal maxim which says that 'Justice delayed is justice denied'.

It may have been due to such acts of omission and commission that the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva last month, with Colombo's blessing and the USA's backing, unanimously passed a resolution, calling for international jurists to investigate alleged war crimes committed during the government's LTTE war, covering the period from 2002 to the war end.

It's however, not that the accused is guilty, because there is another legal maxim which governs the laws of this country which says, 'A man is innocent until proven guilty'.

Nonetheless, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, in one of his translations of a German poem said, "Though the mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceeding small; Though with patience he stands waiting, with exactness grinds he all." To put it simply, what Longfellow meant was that justice, whether executed immediately, or, after a great length of time, will, ipso facto, eventually catch up with you.

That however, may be acceptable in a country where the laws are not distorted or are not influenced, but are allowed to take its course, the end result of which is that justice, sooner or later, will be meted out to the victim, without fear or favour, due to natural delays or not.

Nevertheless, when there is a delay of 16 years for the wheels of justice to turn, the question arises whether this delay was due to external influences or due to natural delays?

If such law's delays take place in the relatively peaceful areas of the South, where, coincidentally, VIPs, either by fact or by conjecture are involved, one may but imagine, what may have had taken place in the NE, which was at the heart of fighting between the government and the LTTE, circumstances where it would have had been difficult to maintain the rule of law.

To win the confidence of the public and the international community that the rule of law is still working despite being pummelled by a 26- year-old terrorist war and misuse and abuse of power, accused of similar crimes committed, should also be brought to justice, whatever their status may be, unhindered by interference.

Then, perhaps, when the UNHRC next meets, it may remove the requirement for international Jurists to meddle in Sri Lanka's internal affairs?

Such meddling which will only go to de-stabilize the island.

Daily Mirror Editorial


Neighbour must not dictate terms

08th October 2015


The Tamil Nadu leaders seem to be furious after the adoption of the US initiated resolution at the UNHRC sessions a week ago which called on the Sri Lankan Government to create a domestic judicial mechanism including Judges from the Commonwealth and other countries to address the accountability issues in respect of the war.

They are pressing for an international judicial process for the purpose and one of them, Dr. Ramdoss, the leader of the pro-LTTE Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) has gone to the extent of calling for a referendum among the Sri Lankan Tamils as well as the Tamils in other countries for the creation of the Tamil Eelam. The anti-Sri Lanka firebrand also called on the UN to hold an international inquiry into the war crimes and human rights violations allegedly committed by the Sri Lankan armed forces.

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalitha Jeyaram also demanded a referendum for the creation of the Tamil Eelam in 2013 through a resolution in the Tamil Nadu State Assembly. However, the fact remains that no Sri Lankan Tamil leader has demanded a separate State for the Tamils in Sri Lanka after the end of the war in May 2009. The main Tamil party, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), an amalgam of the main Tamil political parties representing the North and the East has since stands for a united Sri Lanka despite their occasional usage of rhetorical terms and phrases used by the LTTE.

Tamil Nadu leader have to be reminded of the fact that they had abandoned their own separate State call just with a simple piece of legislation against separatism brought in by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1963. On the other hand three generations of Sri Lankan Tamils have suffered dearly in the struggle for a separate State and the Tamil Nadu leaders or any other foreign politicians do not have the moral right to push them again into a horrendous armed conflict just to capitalize with latter’s losses in their respective countries. 


What the Tamil Nadu leaders who are championing an international investigation nowadays have forgotten is that it was after an international investigation carried out by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) with the blessing of the Tamils all over the world that the UN Human Rights head Prince Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein recommended a Special Hybrid Court to proceed with the investigations into the specific incidents of human rights violations. Also they seem to be in the dark on the findings by the Human Rights High Commissioner’s report on the alleged war crimes and other atrocities committed by the LTTE against the Tamils. They must also be reminded that they supported the first US-sponsored resolution in 2012 which recommended a domestic mechanism to address the accountability issues.

Tamil Nadu leaders and the Tamil diaspora have to leave the right to decide what the Sri Lankan Tamils want and what not to the Sri Lankan Tamil leaders who are capable to do it better than others. This point is very clearly articulated in the speech delivered by none other than the TNA leader R. Sampanthan at the 14th annual ITAK convention held in Batticaloa in 2012. He said “The Diaspora must respect the political thinking of those living here. They must respect the courage with which they make decisions, and their ability to determine their own political destiny. The Diaspora must trust in these capabilities of the Tamil people living here.

The Diaspora’s political initiatives, and public statements on behalf of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka must not negatively affect the situation here; they must not prove to be obstacles to our efforts here. It is the efforts that are made by the people in Sri Lanka, which are made in accordance with the situation in Sri Lanka, and with sensitivity to this situation that will finally bring about concrete results for the Tamil Nation.” Also in an interview with The Hindu newspaper in 2013 Chief Minister of Northern Province C.V. Wigneswaran said “The next door neighbour must not come and say ‘you must divorce, you must divorce’. That is not your business.”

They have hit the nail on the head and the message should have gone to Tamil Nadu as well. 

Daily News Editorial

Rajapaksa, and his take on the police

08th October 2015 



Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is these days not seen on the temple circuit (with the elections over, this may now be a cumbersome exercise). Instead, he has taken to issuing media statements on selected topics. Predictably a lengthy media statement was released the other day on the consequences of the UNHRC resolution, on Sri Lanka. That salvo it appears has now lost its echo. Rajapaksa has now trained his guns on the police.

An English daily yesterday quoted the former President as saying that he was not satisfied with the ongoing investigations into the killing of five-year-old Seya. He said there are serious flaws in the investigation. Not stopping at that Rajapaksa has faulted the police for only netting in the sprats and letting the sharks get away. In the former Presidents own words: "the police only brought to book petty thieves, but those engaged in large scale robberies, extortion, murder, rape, drugs, ethanol etc. escaped from the long arm of the law.

The list mentioned by Rajapaksa sounds familiar. It is this list of offenses that resonated loudly in the campaign of the Common Candidate and perhaps largely contributed to the defeat of Rajapaksa. Hence, all these offenses in Rajapaksa's list is not a sudden phenomenon but had their origins under his rule.

Then what was the former President, who is now accusing the police of inaction and going for only petty thieves, doing at the time? Isn't this an admission that his Government had signally failed to combat the menace of drugs, murder, rape and ethanol. Nay, the ethanol racketeers were inside his Cabinet, as was common knowledge (there was at least one Minister who ran a private distillery). Then why did he not permit the police to go for the big fish at the time? Talking of the big fish, wasn't it Rajapaksa himself who personally led a procession to the residence of a politician known for his connection to the drug business, to get him off the hook, when the STF had surrounded his residence on information that a consignment of drugs was concealed in the house. And wasn't the STF personnel responsible for the raid sent on punishment transfers for their trouble?

There were a number of high profile murders under Rajapaksa's watch. Amongst the most prominent is the murder of Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickramatunga. Rajapaksa today says he is not satisfied with the investigation into the Seya's killing. What was there to be satisfied with the investigation into Lasantha's killing? Did not the former President ask the brother of the slain journalist for any names whom he (brother) suspect, at an Editors' meeting at Temple Trees? Wasn't this alone an indictment on how perpetrators of serious crime were protected and the cavalier attitude towards combating crime?

Was there anything to be satisfied with the way the Thajudeen incident was investigated at the time, considering the new evidence that is being unearthed and the police themselves clearing indicating it was foul play? Why was the police, who are today being accused of going only for the sprats, not allowed to carry out an independent investigation that would have taken them to the sharks? It was only the other day that MP Namal Rajapaksa blamed the police for failing to prevent the crime wave in the country attributing this to its obsession with the Rajapaksa family. Now his father, the former President, is blaming the police for not going for the big fish. How will one reconcile this conundrum?

Nay, the situation has aggravated today due to the police being kept under the thumb of the powers that be in the past. No investigations that involved persons of influence were allowed to take their natural course. The Thajudeen incident is a case in point. The Police investigators feared dire consequences if they pursued a hot trail. They had the example of the fate that befell the STF personal mentioned above, to go by. The police acted with alacrity only against the opponents of the Government as seen by the persecution of former Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake and Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka.

The police were discouraged in pursing high profile cases for other reasons. One is reminded of the pardon granted by the Head of State to the spouse of a former Minister, while on death row, for the murder of the mistress of the Minister. There were also other instances, one of which was where the Attorney General was compelled to withdraw a case against a former Colombo District politician arraigned for murder. Another notorious politician, also known for links to the drug business, had his rape case withdrawn after he crossed over to the Government. These acts of the rulers discouraged the police from going after the big fish and this mindset may still be ingrained among our police officers, as a carryover from the Rajapaksa days. The challenge before the Government and the IGP is to rid the police department of this ingrained fear and make it the independent and proud police force, harking back to the department's glory days. 

The Island Editorial

Noise in the House

08th October 2015 



All hell broke loose in Parliament on Tuesday when a group of UPFA MPs staged a protest against the proposed war crimes investigation against Sri Lanka. They took out a banner condemning what they called a government move to set up a hybrid court in all but name. Some government MPs tried to suppress the protest and the attendant melee caused sittings to be suspended for ten minutes.

It was a supreme irony that Parliament was thrown into turmoil in that manner while Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, currently in Japan, was extolling the virtues of consensus and peaceful assembly. "Let’s meet in harmony, discuss in harmony and depart in harmony," he said quoting the Buddha.

Tuesday’s rumpus in Parliament presages more trouble for the government on the political front. With the local government polls on the horizon the JVP, which, too, has condemned the UNHRC resolution as a trap, will do everything in its power, to prevent itself from being overshadowed by the UPFA rebels who are functioning as the de facto Opposition. Its opposition to the war crimes probe is sure to find expression in public protests.

Strangely, not a whimper was heard when a supplementary estimate was moved in Parliament on Tuesday seeking Rs. 180 mn for refurbishing the President’s new official residence and another Rs. 70 mn for a new car for President Maithripala Sirisena and some motorcycles for his guards. (Another supplementary estimate was presented yesterday, seeking more funds for the President.) No parliamentarian dared point out that Rs. 180 mn could have been saved if the President had moved to his official residence in Fort. That palatial house compares with the best in the world and is located in a very safe, convenient location. True, the President said during the last Presidential election campaign that he would not occupy the President’s House in Fort. One may, therefore, argue that he has made good his pledge. But, he also promised to operate from Polonnaruwa if elected president; he has not done so, has he?

When the leaders of the incumbent government flayed former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, and rightly so, for having spent colossal amounts of public funds on refurbishing president’s houses in different parts of the country, we thought they would not waste taxpayers’ money. The government also had potted bushes adorning the outer perimeter wall of Temple Trees removed on the grounds that it cost a lot of money to maintain them.

With the funds being spent on the second presidential house several schools and hospitals could have been developed. Most schools are without even basic sanitary facilities. We reported yesterday that the Koslanda landslide victims were still homeless and only four out of 74 houses had been built for them. It is hoped that the government will get its priorities straight.

Pathola and Vetakolu

The JVP has hauled the government over the coals for seeking to increase the prices of food items such as sugar, edible oil and salt, considered injurious to health. It says the government is trying to rake in more revenue on the pretext of protecting public health.

General Secretary of the JVP Tilvin Silva told the media the other day that if the government continued to jack up taxes on food items on those grounds, then the people would have only pathola (snake gourd) and vetakolu (ridged gourd) to eat.

But, this argument is not tenable in that pathola and vetakolu are also harmful nowadays thanks to the widespread use of agrochemicals. They are virtually soaked in pesticides. The government may impose taxes on those vegetables, too. What does the JVP think the people will be able to such an eventuality? Eating poonac will be out of the question because it is a byproduct of making coconut oil. Will they have to settle for grass?

There is no way the JVP can absolve itself of the blame for what the present government is doing. It helped engineer a regime change in January and became an integral part of the so-called National Executive Council of the 100-day government which prepared the ground for the formation of the incumbent administration.