Ceylon Today Editorial

TRAVAILS OF CONSTITUTION MAKING

01 March 2017

When a Head of State, in this case President Sirisena, defines bilateral relations with a specific country, in this case the United States, as having reached 'a new height', there's more than a mere passing significance to such a statement.

He said this at the conclusion of talks last week with the US Congressional Delegation at the Presidential Secretariat which the US Embassy in Colombo called a reaffirmation of the "Bipartisan US Support for Sri Lanka". That delegation comprised House of Representatives Judiciary Committee members.

Obviously there's a lot more than that which meets the eye when in a fortnight, members of the US Congress visit Sri Lanka for top level talks with government leaders.

The US Embassy described this as being a demonstration of the "bipartisan support in the legislative branch of the US Government for Sri Lanka's democracy and its efforts to ensure lasting reconciliation."

The House of Representatives is empowered to initiate all federal legislation. The USA delegation discussed Sri Lanka's proposed new Constitution besides "strategic issues affecting vital sea lanes in the Indo-Pacific"....and also was briefed on Sri Lanka's progress in forging lasting reconciliation and a non-recurrence of conflict. Talks then went on to examine matters relating to economic reforms which could increase bilateral trade and investment between the United States and Sri Lanka.

The delegation also expressed support for Sri Lanka's efforts to fulfil its Geneva commitments, 'including more land returns'.

In political usage, this word 'bipartisan' is of special significance in that it is supposed to mean that two parties have agreed on a programme of work that brings benefits for both sides.

So when President Sirisena says that this bipartisan relationship has reached 'new heights' one is left to come to his own conclusions.

Neither side spelt out what exactly was discussed in relation to "strategic issues affecting vital sea lanes in the Indo-Pacific." Nor was anything forthcoming by way of even a media release defining exactly in what manner the proposed "new Constitution and progress in reconciliation and non-recurrence of conflict" will benefit Sri Lanka by way of rewards from the US in giving Sri Lanka greater access to US markets and increase US investments in Sri Lanka.

In a "bipartisan" relationship as differentiated from a bilateral relationship, in modern political usage, is a word that implies that two parties broadly agree on a centrist position. Judging by all the issues broached in the talks, one can perhaps hence assume that the US does have some influence in the drafting of the new Constitution. With less than a fortnight for the Geneva UNHRC sessions on Sri Lanka to be held, one can also perhaps presume that the US could end using influence on Colombo to come up with some concessions to a political settlement approximating federalism along US federal lines in the proposed new Constitution.

The people in the US delegations were not, as during the Obama regime, from the US South Asia Desk such as that formerly headed by Tom Malinowski, nor from Samantha Power's then team but top US Congressmen from the House of Representatives who are veteran legislators of the US Government to whom the drafting of Constitutions is child's play. One is compelled to ask how much of a role this will play in further 'heightened relations' by way of "Strategic issues effecting vital sea lanes in the Indo-Pacific area", an issue that directly involves the use of harbours and airports and a modicum of defence cooperation in joint operations.

We wrote a month ago that Donald Trump would be making moves to consolidate US security interests in the Indo-Pacific area and would soon be sending Defence Secretary Jim Mattis for talks with Narendra Modi in Delhi. It appears that Modi, in anticipation of such a possibility sent his Defence Secretary Jaishankar for talks here earlier last week with Sirisena and Wickemesinghe to be able to answer questions from Mattis on collaboration from Sri Lanka. Jaishankar obviously went back with firm reassurances of Colombo's cooperation in matters to do with security fears stoked by China's daring moves to extend Beijing's sphere of influence in the South China Sea and beyond into the Indo-Pacific area.

US House of Representatives Judiciary Committee members met Speaker Karu Jayasuriya and Opposition Leader R. Sampanthan to discuss strengthened cooperation between the Sri Lanka Parliament and US Congress.

US Representative Hank Johnson (Democrat – Georgia), one of the first Buddhists elected to the US Congress, offered his respects at the Gangaramaya Temple where the delegations had unofficial exchanges on Buddhist practices.

It would appear that the drafting of Sri Lanka's new Constitution is held hostage by more forces than merely the TNA, the Tamil pro-LTTE diaspora and the singular search for a solution to the grievances of the Tamils.

Daily News Editorial

The Kalutara carnage

01 March 2017

It appears that the term gun culture thuwakku sanskruthiya that was coined during the second JVP uprising in relation to the mindless killings that took place at the time via the then ubiquitous T56 could have relevance today too in this country, given the gruesome nature of the bloodletting we are witness to which has a resemblance to that which took place in the late eighties. Hardly a day passes without a killing in some corner of this country, a majority of which are contract killings either due to business rivalry or deep seated enmities. But surpassing all these are the gangland killings that takes place with regular monotony, with the use of the still handy T56.

Monday saw the most serious of these tit for tat killings where a prison bus was ambushed by a group said to belong to rival gang of one of the inmates who was being transported from the Kalutara Prison to the Kaduwela Magistrate’s court. It is the audacious nature of the attack, which, no doubt, would have shocked, not just the general public, but the law enforcement agencies as well. One recalls attacks of the nature that took place on Monday only in connection with bheeshanaya era where the armed wing of the JVP overran well guarded armouries, not to mention, attacks carried out on vital government installations.

In a well planned operation, carried out, with almost military precision, the armed gang ambushed the prison bus, their target - a rival gang leader. The prison bus is said to have come under a hail of T56 fire killing some of the inmates in the initial firing. The gang had then boarded the prison bus, dragged their target out on to the footboard and fired at him until he was pulp. A prison officer and a jailer too perished in the attack, after which, the assassins left in a getaway vehicle leaving behind the carnage, reminiscent of a blockbuster Hollywood gangster movie.

As usual the buck is sought to be passed. The Police spokesman says there are times when the police is called upon to provide escort to prison vans while at the same time saying that prison officers too have been provided with equal police training to meet with any contingency. However in this instance the prison officers were not equal to the task and, what is more, two of their men perished in the shooting while five others were injured, two of them critically. It is said that the prison officers too had fired at the attackers but that the gang fled.

This shows that they (prison officers) were not up to the challenge. It is not clear if the prison authorities had requested for police security in this instance. If not, it is indeed a glaring lapse, considering the nature of the mission. This is because the gang leader Samayang, in fact, was a high risk prisoner, on whose life an attempt was made earlier inside the same court premises.

This should have made the Kalutara Prison authorities seek police escort for the prison bus, particularly considering, the route which the vehicle was to take was through a jungle patch where the assailants had lain in wait. The Police, for its part, considering the risk involved, should have been more circumspect and deployed a police contingent to escort the Prison bus.

As usual, the police say it has deployed a number of teams to hunt down the killers and that some progress had already been made. The public will hope that the attackers will be eventually apprehended and brought before justice.

Monday’s incident is no doubt going to be a challenge to IGP Pujith Jayasundera who has vowed to confront the underworld when he took office one year ago. But during this time a series of killings have taken place, both, gangland killings and contract killings. The same day the Kalutara incident took place the owner of a Wine Stores in Kurunegala was gunned down, although the motive was said to be robbery.

The police, today, is without the burden of war duties, as before, and should concentrate all its energies to combat serious crime. True, it has made several breakthroughs in some of the more prominent cases and apprehended the perpetrators. But the crime rate keeps on mounting, and, if the Kalutara incident is anything to go by, dangerous criminals are still on the loose, posing a grave threat to society.

The IGP should, hence, take special measures to bring the situation under control. A hunt should be carried out for illegal firearms, because, from what is witnessed, a large number of T56 and other illegal firearms are still in circulation. According to reports, the firing at the prison bus had been a professional job and there can be little doubt that those with a good weapons training had been among the attackers. The presence of army deserters among the assassins, therefore, cannot be ruled out which could also be a pointer to the source of the T56 weapons used, all amnesties to recover such weapons notwithstanding.

The Island Editorial

Iron Ladies to the fore

01 March 2017

 

The belated yet welcome presidential probe into the bond scams has taken a dramatic turn with the surfacing of a mystery gazette, on the sale of Treasury bonds, published with former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s name thereon nearly two years after his defeat in Jan. 2015. The government has, true to form, sought to defend the indefensible.

President Maithripala Sirisena has been praised for the special bond probe. But, the fact remains that he sided with the bond thieves in 2015 for political expediency. He dissolved Parliament and thereby thwarted an attempt by the COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) headed by veteran leftist, D. E. W. Gunasekera, to present a damning report on the bond thefts to the national legislature. The President, desperate to queer the pitch for Mahinda Rajapaksa and ensure the UNP’s victory, did not want the COPE findings published before the last general election.

President Sirisena then went on to deprive Gunasekera of a National List slot in Parliament in a bid to silence the latter’s voice. Such action antithetical to good governance was unbecoming of a leader who had sought and secured a popular mandate to rid the country of bribery and corruption.

It was to atone for his sin that President Sirisena subsequently refused to reappoint Arjuna Mahendran as the Central Bank Governor and went so far as to set up a presidential inquiry into the bond scams. The onus is on him to ensure that the bond thieves won’t be able to go scot free and the colossal losses suffered by the Employees’ Provident Fund etc due to their scams will be recovered.

The credit for blowing the lid off the biggest ever financial fraud should go to several intrepid public officials who chose to be on the side of the truth even at the risk of incurring the wrath of the powers that be and being hounded out of their jobs. They have been at the receiving end of many a vilification campaign carried out by the hirelings of the ruling party politicians. It is a pity that some UNP MPs’ despicable attempts to frighten Central Bank officials including a woman into submission at COPE meeting by shouting at them menacingly were not condemned by the champions of women’s rights. Their barks did not yield the desired result and the officials concerned stood their ground. These men and women who gave evidence against the bond thieves are real heroes and heroines. But for them, the bond scams would have been swept under the carpet. They deserve public plaudits.

Former COPE Chairman D. E. W. Gunasekera, speaking at a ceremony where a book on bond scams, titled, Bandumkara Andaraya (‘The tale of bond scams’), was launched at the BMICH on Monday, paid a glowing tribute to Acting Government Printer Gangani Kalpana Liyanage. He said she had courageously revealed the truth about the above-mentioned mystery gazette, craftily issued by some government politicians and their bureaucratic lackeys after the conclusion of the second COPE probe into the bond scams. They may not have expected a presidential inquiry. He also praised former Superintendent of the Public Debt Department of the Central Bank Deepa Seneviratne for a note which had foiled bond thieves’ attempt to claim that Mahendran had acted on Monetary Board recommendation when he went for the controversial bond auction. Auditor General Gamini Wijesinghe, another intrepid public official who made some conceited UNP MPs eat humble pie at COPE meetings, has also praised her.

The country should be proud of these two Iron Ladies who have stood up to the corrupt and the powerful in the name of public interest. The International Women’s Day is around the corner. Every year, on this day, lip service is paid to empowering women, bringing about gender equality etc. Politicians wax eloquent on women’s role in achieving national progress and the need to recognise and safeguard their rights. We suggest that Gangani and Deepa be felicitated on March 08 for their outstanding contribution to the country’s battle against corruption.

Ceylon Today Editorial

Have Police a licence to kill?

28 February 2017

It's not every day the Sri Lanka Police get commended and appreciated for a job well done. Rarely does the occasion arise where the media (or even the general public) praise the Sri Lanka Police for their service. And sadly, this is not such an occasion either.

The week began with a serious black mark on the Sri Lanka Police. Notably becoming the first major Police brutality case reported for this year, a sub inspector and four constables, of the Peliyagoda Police were arrested in connection with the death of a 41-year-old suspect who had died while in Police custody.

The deceased suspect, arrested for robbery last week had been admitted to the Colombo National Hospital last Saturday (25).

The Police officers who had admitted the suspect to the hospital had claimed that he had suddenly fallen ill while in Police custody.

The suspect, however, died a few hours after being hospitalized under questionable circumstances, which led to the obvious examination of events that led to the final outcome. The post-mortem examination into the death revealed that the suspect's death has been caused by either dehydration or internal bleeding. Furthermore, the autopsy report had shown that the suspect had serious bruises on his torso which had led to a theory of assault prior to his death.

The fact that he was under Police custody has led to the obvious assumption that the suspect might have been assaulted by his captors and that has caused grievous bodily injuries, thus leading to the arrest of the five Police officers who were on duty at the Peliyagoda Police Station during the crucial period of time. Surely, no one from outside would dare enter a Police Station to murder or maim a suspect in custody.

This incident comes after the United Nations Special Rapporteur on torture reported on the still existing culture of Police torture of suspects in Sri Lanka. The report that was made public earlier this year, for the current United Nations Human Rights Council session, which commenced yesterday and will continue till 24 March, has addressed the matter of Police torture of suspects and various other matters rigorously.

Furthermore, the report also calls for an extensive redo of the current legal framework that would demolish this persistent Police torture culture in the country, which is expected to be brought for discussion at the Council meeting. And any layman would note how this latest incident with regard to the Peliyagoda Police Station would reflect badly on the entire country when the report is brought up for discussion.

Surely the government should address these matters more rigorously and immediately before jumping on to the propaganda wagon that paints a pretty picture of the country. Before boasting about 'ensured human rights among all citizens in the country' they should pay more attention to incidents such as this latest one, which could, despite being an isolated incident, have dire negative repercussions in the long-term.

Furthermore, one should also note that the Sri Lanka Government, let alone the Sri Lanka Police or the National Police Commission, publishes no record to the deaths of every person killed by Sri Lankan Police officers. Yes, they would deploy all kinds of resources into investigating into such incidents but it is rarely do we see any long-term permanent steps being taken to resolve the matter of Police brutality and Police torture. The National Police Commission, when inquired about the matter, is likely to say that the Commission is powerless against such cases until the point where someone – the victim, the family of a victim, interested party or a high ranking member of the government – would lodge a complaint on it, where they could intervene. Even then, the most powerful form of action that has been taken against a perpetrator of Police brutality is suspension from work, which needless to say, is temporary and useless.

Most of the cases of Police brutality go unnoticed because the victims dare not file a complaint that could be traced back to them, which will result in more danger to visit on the victim. Or they have lost all faith in the system that allows them no justice for their grievances. This is also correlated with the number of recorded cases that are being investigated. If there are no complaints, there's no investigation and therefore no record of Police brutality being reported. The loophole is easy as that.

Daily News Editorial

GMOA, a willing tool of JO?

28 February 2017

The GMOA, it appears, is hell bent on crippling all government hospitals by its trade union action against SAITM. It is obviously testing the waters for a full blown strike. First, it struck work at the Uva, Southern, North Central and Eastern Province hospitals. Yesterday, it launched the fourth phase in the Wayamba Province.

The signs are all there. Medical students of the state run universities are distributing leaflets in their thousands while candle light vigils too are being held. Which begs the question as to who is funding the whole project? The GMOA, for the first time, had resorted to hoisting black flags at government hospitals, demeaning themselves to the level of just another run of the mill trade union.

The doctors’ agitation against SAITM is bound to dovetail with the signing of the ECTA agreement, slated for April and it is clear that the twin issues are being planned to cause the maximum effect to bring the government to its knees.

Which also begs the question, if the doctors’ campaign is solely based on altruistic reasons to provide a better health service to the public by opposing the SAITM, which the GMOA claims has fallen short of standards, or is there another motive behind the whole exercise to cause destability in the country and assist in the political project of the government’s opponents. We say this based on a newspaper interview given by JO firebrand Vasudeva Nanayakkara that it had targeted toppling the government this year. Asked how they were going to get about this business the maverick politician said that they naturally could not disclose their plans but that the growing dissatisfaction of the people with the government was clearly apparent and they would naturally seize upon the opportunity to bring their plans to fruition.

Obviously, the JO is waiting for the public dissatisfaction to reach a crescendo to seize on the opportunity to topple the government (although how they would get about this business is not clear) and is banking on the creation of the ideal scenario for this dissatisfaction to reach boiling point.

What better way to create such a background by paralyzing the country’s health service and cause the public to direct its wrath against the government and also by drumming up the ECTA goni billa to fever pitch to say that the county’s youth will lose their jobs to the Indians who will flood the country’s labour market, with the signing of the agreement. There is no other rationale for the doctors’ strike. We say this because there was no agitation by the good doctors when SAITM came into being under Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2008. Certainly not the type of protests we see today where the entire academic community has joined in the party to cause the maximum difficulty for the government. No standards were insisted by the GMOA when the Kotelawela Defence Academy was established, at the instance of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and, as Dr. Rajitha Senaratne observed, the inference was inescapable that the good doctors dare not mess around with Gota.

Be that as it may, the SAITM issue had been decided by the Court of Appeal and the doctors who are learned professionals ought to abide by the court ruling. If not, they would be opening the floodgates for lesser minions to disobey legal judgements and take to the streets, throwing open the doors for chaos and anarchy. Or, is this what the GMOA really want?

More of the same

National Freedom Front spokesman Mohammed Muzammil has once against accused the government of a witch-hunt against members of the military intelligence, following the arrest of five Intelligence operatives, including a major, over the abduction and torture of journalist Keith Noyahr. We have been arguing ad nauseam in these columns that fighting in the Eelam war did not give any member of the security forces a license to commit acts of crime. Military personnel are also not immune from prosecution when found out about their involvement in criminal activity.

Muzammil says that the witch-hunt against the military Intelligence officers was carried out to appease the enemies of the state. Is the former MP suggesting that these ‘enemies of the state’ had planted the evidence that led to the arrest of the military Intelligence officers responsible for abducting Noyahr? Is the NFF spokesman denying that there was no Special Unit set up, composed of military operatives, to target journalists, as unraveled by the CID?

Let Muzammil be reminded that a soldiers committed suicide, by hanging himself, after writing a letter, begging to exonerate another military colleague taken in, in connection with the Lasantha murder? Does this not tell a tale about military collusion in the crime?

The Island Editorial

Bang, bang, bang

28 February 2017

 

The country is not yet free from terrorism. Thankfully, the JVP and the LTTE were defeated militarily in 1989 and 2009 respectively, but the law-abiding citizens are still living in fear of a different brand of terrorism. The underworld has emerged stronger than ever. In what looked like a scene from a Hollywood action flick, a group of unidentified gunmen opened fire on a prison vehicle in Kalutara yesterday morning. Seven persons including a notorious underworld character, who was targeted by the assailants and two prison guards perished in the ambush.

Daring attacks on prison vehicles are of not recent origin, though. Ratnaweera, a hardcore criminal, who once terrorised Hambantota, was pulled out of a paddy wagon which was stopped by his rivals in Ridiyagama and done to death in the early 2000s. A jailer also died in that Wild West style attack. Another underworld figure was targeted inside a prison vehicle last year in Dematagoda. He was lucky to escape death. There have also been several grenade attacks inside court houses owing to gang warfare.

Sadly, the law and order situation hasn’t improved in spite of the conclusion of the war and the 2015 regime change. Given the ease with which underworld attacks are carried out and armed assailants flee, how vulnerable the ordinary public vis-à-vis powerful crime syndicates goes without saying. They live in well fortified houses which resemble prisons with high walls and steel bars while criminals are moving about freely. Successive governments have done precious little to protect the citizenry against criminals who have demonstrated their ability to strike at will.

The prison authorities have said they had asked for police protection for their vehicle carrying dangerous criminals on Monday, but to no avail. Police have denied this claim. Both parties are playing Sri Lanka’s national sport—the blame game. It is doubtful whether regular police personnel would have been able to face the gunmen involved in yesterday’s incident even if they had been deployed in sufficient numbers. Only the STF is capable of countering such threats effectively.

The Joint Opposition (JO) yesterday blamed the present administration for having disbanded the prisons intelligence unit. Whether the JO is telling us the truth or not we don’t know. But, there is little such an outfit can do to ward off well organised criminal gangs.

Decades of armed conflicts have left the country awash with illegal firearms and the underworld is full of trigger-happy military deserters and former terrorists. Lapses on the part of police and links between criminals and politicians have made it well nigh impossible to neutralise the underworld.

It may be recalled that during the previous regime, when the STF, carrying out a raid in Negombo, was about to descend on an SLFP politician with underworld links, the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa rushed there and gave the cornered party man a bear hug, thus sending a very clear message to the police commandos. Today, that politico is in the SLFP’s Maithri faction, which is advocating good governance!

The present administration came to power, promising to restore the rule of law among other things. Its big guns flogged the issue of the rising crime rate under the Rajapaksa government very effectively to turn public opinion against their political rivals. But, there has been no let-up in the underworld operations; criminals who had fled the country during the previous administration returned after the change of government in 2015 and some of them openly clashed in Colombo in the run-up to the last general election. Police are busy doing political work and criminals are having a field day.

It is incumbent upon the government to remain focused on the need to neutralise the underworld and protect the citizenry instead of faulting the media for ‘negative reporting’. The yahapalana leaders claimed during the Rajapaksa government the then rulers were protecting criminals. They are now in power and the question is why they don’t order a crackdown on the underworld to make the country safe for the ordinary people who are living in eternal fear of criminals.

Ceylon Today Editorial

Geneva

27 February 2017

Geneva has been a household name in Sri Lanka for the past several years, as the island nation faces a tug-o-war with regard to resolving its post-war humanitarian issues.

The previous Mahinda Rajapaksa regime had a tough time with Geneva following three consecutive resolutions, backed by the US, brought against the regime by the United Nations Human Rights Commission over the post- war issues including alleged war crimes.

Despite the change of regime Geneva, the beautiful Swiss City, still remains a nightmare to Sri Lanka.

The present National Unity Government dealt with the UNHRC in Geneva in a very diplomatic manner for the satisfaction of all seeking justice and relief over the post-war humanitarian issues in the island.

The UNHRC resolution, which was co-sponsored by Sri Lanka in 2015, gave hope of justice being done by the people who had been devastated by the war.

The Tamil National Alliance, being the main Opposition Party, with its significant representation from the North and East, placed its hopes on a constructive outcome over the Geneva resolution co-sponsored by Sri Lanka.

Since the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe Government came to power, several developments have occurred in a positive manner towards addressing the humanitarian issues in the North and East, such as the releasing of lands in the possession of the Security Forces.

However the ongoing Keppapilavu protest has highlighted that Northern Province still remains largely a 'garrison land' with a heavy military presence.

The Tamil National Alliance which is agitating for the reduction of military presence in the North and East and also urging for the release of lands in the possession of the Security Forces, is ever mindful that the lands cannot be released overnight from the Security Forces as far as the security issues are concerned.

One of the TNA politicians, addressing a public event, said that despite the TNA's firm stance on regaining the civilian lands from Security Forces, shifting an Army camp from one place to another was not like transferring a teacher from one school to another school.

Jaffna Peninsula's Valikamam North has now been very much cleared of the military presence and a large number of Internally Displaced Persons from the region now have access to their original places.

The National Unity Government, with the slogan of 'good governance' is largely the creation of people in the North and East. So with the long way to go for peace and reconciliation with the people of the war- torn North and East, the government is compelled to fulfil its commitments to the Geneva resolution of 2015 without giving room for further postponements and delays.

Leader of the Opposition and the TNA

R. Sampanthan commenting on the alleged war crimes issue has clearly stated that the TNA was not accusing all Security Service personnel and only emphasizing to take action against the service personnel who have been identified as being allegedly involved in war crimes.

Since several key Government figures, along with former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, have denounced any move to conduct international investigations into alleged war crimes, the Tamil National Alliance, citing the unsatisfactory outcome of the hearings of various commissions created to look into the grievances of the people in the North and East, is very firm that an international investigation into the alleged war crimes should be established to seek justice for the people affected by the civil war.

With the beginning of the 34th session of the UNHRC today, the TNA Parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran has visited Geneva already and pointed out to the UNHRC officials that no more extensions should be given to the Lankan Government to fulfill its commitments to the 2015 resolution. The TNA Parliamentarian has also urged in Geneva that not to allow for any alteration to be carried out in the resolution.

However, with Sri Lanka looking forward to urging for an extension of 18 to 24 months, to fulfil its commitments to the UNHRC resolution, the country co-sponsored in 2015, the UNHRC hierarchy is faced with the task of dealing with the Lankan tug-o-war in Geneva.

Daily News Editorial

FCID earns its spurs

27 February 2017

The Police Financial Crimes Investigations Division (FCID) has come in for heavy flak by the Joint Opposition from the very day it was established exactly two years ago, and not surprisingly. The special police unit had not just caused huge embarrassment to many among the JO but also nightmares to the top echelons of the former regime faced with allegations of financial crimes. But the FCID had soldiered along, undaunted, going by the highly complicated cases it has cracked, revealing the sordid details of financial skulduggery. It could justly be proud of itself, not just for the good work done, but also the contribution it is making to the state coffers.

According to our weekend publication, the Sunday Observer, the FCID which completed two years yesterday (26) had raised nearly Rs.1 billion through the detection of misappropriated state and unduly earned assets by politicians through its investigations. It goes on to give out a list of VIP politicians and those near and dear to them under probe. Prominent in this list is Basil Rajapaksa, the super minister in the former regime. Among the major assets in illegal possession of BR, recovered, are the house and land in Orutota, valued at over Rs. 50 million, and the land and house seized at Brown Hill Matara, also worth over Rs. 50 million. There is also the house in Malwana, which is much in the news these days, jointly owned by BR and Thirukumar Nadesan, a wheeler dealer businessman and close Rajapaksa relative, said to be worth over Rs. 200 million. The property is slated to be auctioned in the coming days and the proceeds remitted to the Treasury.

The senior Rajapaksa apart, the FCID has also tightened the noose around the other members of the Rajapaksa family. It has taken over the building and equipment of the CSN TV channel and another Rs. 163 million recovered following investigations into CSN operations. According to the Observer report, the FCID, during the two year period had investigated 74 out of the 322 cases referred to it and says that a stream of arrests are imminent as it had completed investigations into many cases and awaiting the response of the Attorney General.

The FCID should be commended for rising to the challenge and going to great lengths to unravel the corrupt acts under the former regime. Its officers were doing their job at risk to themselves with former President Mahinda Rajapaksa himself issuing direct threats at this special police unit at public rallies, investigating the doings of his siblings and progeny. The FCID is also being called names by JO politicians and certain media with some cantankerous elements threatening to shut down the Unit when it came to power and taking to task the officers involved in the investigations. One newspaper, partial to the Rajapaksas, continues to call it the Gestapo of the government, overlooking the fact that it is just another unit of the police, employing men of special skills, to carry out complicated investigations where the trail of the ill got wealth had been cleverly concealed.

Be that as it may, the public are yet skeptical if the big fish will be nabbed. This is because those who committed day light robbery are still walking freely and, what is more, are even going places. This naturally has brought about a sense of frustration among the public who believed those who plundered the national wealth would be brought to justice no sooner the Yahapalanaya government took office. They will not appreciate the fact that the justice system is a long drawn out process and, what is more, successful prosecution is not a certainty, given the law as it stands. The talk everywhere is ko elluwa? Instead what they see everyday on television is those, against whom serious allegations were made, beaming from ear to ear and making public statements with a panache.

The government, therefore, should take steps to speed up the process of justice in this connection and even appoint a special tribunal as suggested by Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama on the lines of the Criminal Justice Commission of yore. Wrong doers are getting emboldened with each passing day, with nothing happening. On the contrary, they have now trained their guns on the government and are seen trooping to the Bribery Commission with a so called Top Ten list of Ministers. Certainly, wrong doers in the present government too should be probed. Even the President is on record saying there are rogues in government, both, then and now. But this should not detract from the main mission of the government to go after the big names of the former regime who are said to have stashed their loot in overseas accounts.

The Yahapalanaya mandate was to nab these rogues, plunderers and fraudsters and return the billions to the country. The FCID has managed to recover only Rs. 1 billion worth of stolen assets so far. This, as many would agree, is just a drop in the bucket. More so, considering the nature of the allegations made during the hustings.

The Island Editorial

Of that hankie ban

27 February 2017

 

Schoolchildren are no longer allowed to carry their handkerchiefs, of all things, when they visit Parliament, we are told. This ban has come following an incident where a student’s handkerchief which accidentally fell from the public gallery of Parliament landed on a lamp below, causing a minor fire early last week. Such is the concern MPs have for their own safety!

What is this world coming to when politicians enjoy the freedom of the wild ass to storm schools and even make teachers kneel down, but students are not allowed to take even their handkerchiefs to Parliament? It may be recalled that some MPs burnt copies of a draft bill by way of protest in the House way back in 2000. Several UNP MPs did so when President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga presented her constitutional reforms package seeking to set up regional councils to Parliament in 2000. The culprits got away with that offence, which reminded us of Guy Fawkes’s role in the Gun Powder Plot to destroy the English Parliament in the early 17th Century. He, together with others, was hanged, drawn and quartered for the botched attempt. Many an irate Sri Lankan must be thinking of doing a Guy Fawkes on seeing the despicable misconduct of the so-called people’s representatives and the criminal waste of public funds to maintain them.

Intriguingly, children’s handkerchiefs have been banned to protect a Parliament which has some elements who once bombed it. The southern terrorists who carried out a grenade attack in Parliament, almost succeeded in assassinating a President, a Prime Minister (J. R. Jayewardene and R. Premadasa respectively) have become lawmakers, championing democracy. That blast left a minister dead and several other seriously injured. Their leaders and fellow terrorists suffered the same fate as Guy Fawkes subsequently at the hands of the death squads of the UNP governments in the late 1980s. These lawbreakers turned lawmakers are now in the exalted company of the former defenders of the northern terrorists who posed a serious threat to Parliament, bombed two Presidents, killing one (R. Premadasa) in 1993 and injuring the other (Chandrika Kumaratunga) six years later besides committing heinous crimes against civilians.

It is not the handkerchiefs that should be banned from Parliament but students themselves lest they should seek to emulate MPs during school debates and later in life. There have been some instances where children, in the public gallery, scared out of their wits on seeing lawmakers trading blows and abuse, let out screams. The question is how terrified children can wipe their tears in Parliament without their handkerchiefs.

The real danger of students visiting Parliament is that, impressed by the luxuries their representatives enjoy, they may think they can also sponge off the public, if they, too, drop out of school and take to politics early in life. Of course, there are professors and doctors among the lawmakers, but the children may think it does not make any sense to pursue higher studies, obtain doctorates or professional qualifications and finally be at the same level as those who have not even passed the GCE O/L examination!

We have seen rickety boneshakers that pass for busses disgorge poor, malnourished students with hopeless eyes and emaciated bodies near Parliament as part of their educational tours. What kind of education students receive there is anybody’s guess. We suggest that, if they are to benefit from such visits, they be at least treated to some victuals in the Parliamentary canteens, where food sufficient for as many as 2,000 persons reportedly goes to waste every month.

Teachers and parents need to be asked why schoolchildren should be taken all the way to Sri Jayewardenepura to see the people’s representatives misbehave when there are many decent places for them to visit such as the Dehiwala Zoo and the Pinnawala Elephant Orphanage. Children, parents and teachers have a lot to learn from animals such as elephants known for their peaceful coexistence and readiness even to risk their dear lives to protect their babies.

Ceylon Today Editorial

APOCALYPSE ROUND THE CORNER?

26 February 2017

The nerve agent that was used to kill Kim Jong-nam, half brother of North Korean tyrant Kim Jong-un, who has summarily killed several of his relations and top military men on mere suspicion of betrayal, is among the most deadly chemical weapons of mass destruction ever developed. Identified only as VX, the nerve agent kills in a couple of minutes. It's banned by the UN as a chemical weapon of mass destruction. Needless to say the killing has sent shockwaves ripping through every political capital in the world

But how much of a stockpile does Korea have? Experts say it's relatively easy to manufacture.

Jong-nam fled Korea to escape an assassination by his brother. That Jong-nam had no other enemies points the finger directly at Jong-un...and hence raises fears of assassins sent out to world capitals by him with the same lethal VX to take out world leaders.

VX is so dangerously and rapidly effective that only a few countries, including North Korea, failed to destroy their stockpiles of the killer nerve agent under a UN Chemical Weapons Convention in 1993.

Tom Inglesby, director of the Johns Hopkins University Centre for Health Security has said that the frighteningly lethal nerve agent can easily make an entire area non-usable by any life form.

"It's heavier than other nerve agents, so it settles on an environment and can be persistent on the ground. If it was used in larger quantities, it could make an area non-usable," he has said.

Global intelligence services have all confirmed that Russian President Vladimir Putin's friend President Assad of Syria has huge stockpiles of chemical weapons in Syria. The specially re-fitted US MV Cape Ray has docked in Spain en route to Syria where, when opportune, it will take out to sea an estimated 560 metric tonnes of chemical weapons, some of which has been reportedly used by Assad already against rebels. VX is among that stockpile, experts say.

VX has the consistency of motor oil that attacks the nervous system and causes convulsions, seizures and paralysis before death.

"It's probably the most sophisticated nerve agent that has been developed," says Charles Duelfer, a former US intelligence officer and weapons inspector and former head of the fact-finding mission that looked for weapons of mass destruction – including VX – in Iraq.

Saddam Hussein is believed to have used VX against Iranian forces in the Iran-Iraq War, and then again in a 1988 massacre of Iraqi Kurds that killed 50,000 people, according to the Council on Foreign Relations. The Japanese doomsday cult Aum Shinrikyo also used VX for targeted assassinations.

No one knows for how long Kim Jong-un has been having VX. If his brother's assassination is traced back to him, the assassination could have been a dry run to see how quickly and efficiently any world leader opposed to Jong-un could be taken out on an airliner, in public places or just added onto a bullet head to hit a target at medium to long range.

This possibility has sent shockwaves through all world capitals, especially because Jong-un has successfully test-fired a nuclear missile that can hit Seoul in minutes. But VX carried in artillery rockets? The thought is petrifying!

Experts say the toxin "was almost certainly produced in a sophisticated State weapons laboratory, despite being banned under an international treaty. North Korea never signed that treaty, and has spent decades developing a complex chemical weapons programme that has long worried the international community".

South Korea, the US, EU and Japan will be deeply worried especially because it's not known whether they have a ready response to a possible large VX attack by Jong-un.

Experts in Malaysia have begun studying trace amounts of VX found on Kim's body in a bid to find out from whom the North Koreans learned to make VX.

This means that Jong-un can easily target anyone he pleases in any country in the world...AND THAT INCLUDES SRI LANKA.

All of this makes us ask what possible precautions we can take in the event of such an attack in Colombo or elsewhere in Sri Lanka? As easily done as in Malaysia, after all!

Let's not forget the string of power outages we experienced last year...all of them as easily possibly done by hacking into the national grid as the Russians and Chinese have hacked into the Ukrainian and US national grids, respectively. At the opportune time, any of these three nations could create unprecedented global havoc bringing industry, commerce and domestic life to a total stop now that they have made their trial runs and found that they work perfectly.

Add VX and we have apocalypse now!

If Putin can dismiss Assad's use of chemical weapons and help him crush pro-democracy rebels, the VX stockpiles in Syria can be frightening for NATO.

Weekend Nation Editorial

Keep big matches to the field

26 February 2017

It is the season of big matches once again. It’s a season of celebrating the history, tradition, and rivalry between schools that have been battling it out for supremacy of the Gentlemen’s game each year.

Cycle parades, trucking and all sorts of processions adorn the main roads of Colombo as the days draw closer.

Sri Lanka boasts of the second, longest running domestic cricket tournament in the form of the much hyped, much celebrated, Royal-Thomian encounter. The Battle of the Blues as it is popularly known is next to the England’s Eton-Harrow encounter which started in 1805.

However, even the Eton-Harrow encounter had to be halted during the World War 2, which was not the case with the Royal-Thomian matches.

Over the years, many schools have come into being part of the big-match culture of Sri Lanka. Several schools have developed a healthy rivalry over the years by having their own big match fixtures. Fixtures such as the ‘Battle of the Maroons (Ananda vs Nalanda), Battle of the Saints (St. Peter’s vs St. Joseph), Battle of the Hills (Kingswood vs Dharmaraja) and the Battle of the North (St. John’s vs. Central College) have become part of the big match culture over the years.

However, the worrying factor here is the emergence of a sub-culture of sorts in the form of gang mentality. Gang mentality is highly prevalent among students who are often part of small cliques.

Most of the time, you see this groups chatting away in several places near their tutorial or in some public places.

However, you never know when these cheerful camaraderie of youngsters would turn violent. That’s how fragile and unpredictable these cliques are.

This was what happened recently when students of three popular schools in Colombo clashed causing damage to property while injuring several others. Several of the students were arrested following the incident.

Students should be loyal to their alma-mater. But, the loyalty should not be shown through street fights. Creating chaos in the name of a school only brings disrepute to the institution, to the students, and to their families. That is a display of a lack of good breeding, inability to settle disputes amicably and aping the underworld culture of “have gun, will fight”.

The school-brawls that was mentioned above led to calls for the banning of big matches in the country, where the proponents have linked matches with alcohol, violence etc. They opine that big matches is the fountain from which emanates all that is bad warranting prohibition. While these calls could be considered absurd in the context of its popularity and following, one cannot brush away the fact that big matches, and the days running up to the event, serve as breeding grounds for violence between student factions.

Blaming big matches as causes for violence and tension is absurd. Sri Lanka has enough and more examples to show how grown-ups, including those in the corridors of power, have behaved before the eyes of the public.

Meanwhile, in yet another disturbing development, several international schools pulled out of the International Schools Athletic Championships (ISAC) due to an anonymous letter which warned of bomb attacks during the event.

What was worse is that the letter was allegedly signed by students of a leading international school.

On one side, the letter could have been a hoax or a prank. But look at the impact it has created. It had resulted in several schools pulling out of an event at the last minute. The money, the planning, and the effort put in for the event, all for vain.

If the letter was in fact sent by a group of students, then it is a matter to be concerned. The students may not have been serious about it, but the damage is irreversible But this is exactly why we need a level-headed and rational-thinking generation of youngsters to take control of the country.

Why do they need to fight to prove their loyalty to the schools? Are not there better ways to show your love and respect to the hallowed institutions?

Are these institutions failing in their duties to instill discipline, goodwill among students and enhance their social capacity to deal with ?

What about the parents. Parent affection is displayed by bringing the child to school and picking up, even painting or colour washing schools, pressurizing teachers to favour one’s children, carting the child day in and day out to tuition classes, but, sorely neglecting the counselling of one’s child, instilling in them the sense of fair play and respect for their own mates irrespective of school. These are some issues that elude most parents today.

No parent or teacher is in control over the students when they are between the gates of their schools and homes. The students themselves are responsible for their own actions. However, if these actions cause public nuisance, then they not only tarnish their own reputation, but also that of the school’s.

Sunday Times Editorial

Win-win solution for migrant worker issues

26 February 2017

Last Sunday’s front page lead story in this newspaper on the risk to foreign employment due to the 2017 Budget by raising the minimum wage for skilled labour seems to have caught the eye of Parliament. The Minister in charge of Foreign Employment confirmed the fact that her ministry was rather perturbed that it had not been consulted, and wanted the proposal reversed.

Foreign remittances of workers and others overseas have become the single largest foreign exchange earner and are now the mainstay of successive Budgets of successive Governments which have been unable to generate sufficient finances on their own but go on a spending spree nevertheless.

US dollars 7.2 billion (Rs. 1.1 trillion) is what foreign remittances bought in to this country in 2016. The fact that Sri Lanka is facing a debt crisis of huge proportions is an open secret. Desperate for foreign investment that has otherwise dried up, and the rupee on a slippery slope against the US dollar, the Government’s predicament is somewhat understandable.

In this desperation, however, to try and tap even more from the reservoir of foreign remittances by upping the minimum wage of migratory workers — they seem to almost to count the chicks before they are hatched — is to kill the goose that lays the golden egg. What the Government must endeavour to do instead is to lobby more aggressively in the manner of ‘collective bargaining’ with other countries providing expat labour, especially in West Asia so that adventurist exercises like what the Government seeks to do don’t come a cropper in the long run by other countries snapping up the jobs Sri Lankans can have. The end aim should be getting a better deal for all concerned.

The Government must play the role of a trade union demanding better wages and working conditions from the employer, mindful also that West Asian and Gulf countries are facing their own economic slumps with oil prices dropping in recent times and wars in the region.
Only last month did the Abu Dhabi Dialogue – an initiative by the United Arab Emirates having stakeholders highlight the potential of contractual labour mobility to benefit workers in West Asia and the host country, meet in Sri Lanka. Known as the ‘Colombo Process’, the exercise is a tribute to employer-employee relations and an exemplary milestone in migratory contractual labour mobility.

New laws and regulations and transparent recruitment mechanisms were highlighted along with achieving the migration-related target of the UN’s 2030 Sustainable Development Goals as part of its work plans. Bangladesh has urged that the deliberations of the ‘Colombo Process’ be conveyed to the Global Compact on Safe and Orderly Migration Policy in New York.

It need not be all horror stories coming from West Asia and the Gulf. There may be commendable moves initiated to dissuade Sri Lankan women from going as housemaids to some of the countries, and promoting skilled workers to go for foreign employment rather than as mere labourers. But without providing the training facilities for those skilled labourers who are in short supply, the Government is putting the cart before the horse in fixing minimum wages. That will only prevent more Sri Lankans from finding jobs abroad triggering a drop, not an increase, in revenue to the state purse.

With Sri Lanka now in the chair of the Abu Dhabi Dialogue and the ‘Colombo Process’, one would hope for a more enlightened approach on a win-win basis for Sri Lanka’s golden goose — the long suffering migrant workers without whose remittances this country would be in even deeper economic troubles.

Talks behind closed doors

As if synchronised, visits this week by US Congressmen, a senior Indian diplomat and members of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs, are no better a pointer to the geopolitical interest in Sri Lanka.

The Government has not thought it necessary to let the people know what these visits were all about. Keeping them below the radar, the Government seems to believe that what the people do not know, is not happening. Or that the plebs need not know what their leaders do. It was only the President’s Media Unit that at least issued a bare-bones release on some of the visits. The result; widespread speculation, intensifying suspicion, but the Government seems to care little.

What the discerning public receive are the official release from the Indian side and reports published in the Indian media (often reproduced locally) on the Indian Foreign Secretary’s visit. The Chinese would rather stay below the radar saying the visit was to discuss the entire gamut of China’s recent investments in Sri Lanka, but the corridors of power are buzzing with the talk that it was another reading of the ‘Riot Act’ to Sri Lankan leaders to hurry up and sign the controversial agreement for the Hambantota Port Development Project, now stalled by public protests and a pending court case.

Even if the Sri Lankan Government maintains a deafening silence, the unusually loquacious Chinese ambassador has recently spoken in public on the status of these negotiations, suggesting what is best for Sri Lanka, when a case is being adjudicated before the country’s Supreme Court. Acting in the manner of a Viceroy, the envoy who is invited to brief Cabinet sub-committees nowadays, is certainly not going to be summoned by the Foreign Ministry to be cautioned about diplomatic conduct. On the other hand, with the new US Administration changing course on two issues that country championed for decades – free trade and free speech, it may be China wanting the mantle – at least abroad.

Recent reports indicate that several countries have begun reviewing rapidly expanding Chinese investments around the world on the basis of “national interest”. Some projects have been cancelled in Australia and Germany on these grounds. Beijing is also imposing a certain amount of controls on the outflow of its capital.

The Hambantota port and Colombo’s ‘Financial District’, which is the port city, may fall into the category of strategic interests to China rather than of commercial value, but what Sri Lanka must guard against is that in its negotiations, secret as they are, don’t run counter to our own long-term national interests; and that they are not merely seen from the prism of overcoming an immediate debt problem that the previous Sri Lankan Government foisted on the people.

From all accounts, the Indian Foreign Secretary has given a telling message that the 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord is outdated in some aspects and the demand for the North-East merger is now passé. Whether the contentious issue of poaching in Sri Lankan waters by Indian fishermen, causing irreparable harm to the Sri Lankan economy was ever discussed is anybody’s guess. With a pro-active disclosure policy under the new Right to Information Law in operation on the one hand, the acute deficiency in letting the citizens know the outcome of all these discussions with these key overseas players on the other, is not just unfortunate, it is not in the public interest.

Sunday Observer Editorial

Public safety at sea

26 February 2017

The boat tragedy that occurred in the seas off the Kalutara coast last Sunday draws attention to a number of aspects of public safety at sea. At a time when the country’s tourism industry is beginning to exploit the potentials of our coasts and seas, the tragedy must be seen as a powerful warning to get our acts together even as we seek to reap the benefits.

Judicial proceedings are under way to ascertain the exact causes of death and injury and to pinpoint human culpability. But, various dimensions of what happened in our normally beautiful coastal waters off the Katukurunda beach point to different aspects of human safety.

The cause of the tragedy was the capsizing of the small multi-day fishing boat which was carrying over 40 pilgrims. The seas at the time were calm with little or no waves. Most indications are that the immediate cause of capsizing of the boat was the craft’s top heavy state with far too many passengers on board.

In fact, in the immediate aftermath of the tragedy, one pilgrim related to news media how he made his family disembark from the boat because he felt that there were already too many people on board. His sensibility may have saved his life and of his loved ones, but, clearly no sense had impacted on the minds of the unfortunate other passengers and boat crew.

The over-crowding of the boat points to the need for stricter regulations on the use of such craft for various purposes. The government’s enforcement of current laws to ban the use of fishing craft for passenger ferrying may be seen only as an intermediate measure. After all, even in countries where regular ferry services are a major local industry, capsizing or sinking due to overcrowding is common.

Much of our coastal communities yet lack the resources to allow for the development of dedicated coastal passenger ferry services that can then cater to seasonal needs like the transport of pilgrims by sea or annual boat processions for religious festivals. It may be inevitable that the lack of passenger boats may compel people to use fishing boats for the occasional pilgrimage.

In these circumstances, what is required is the applying of strict rules on passenger limits and the enforcement of such rules without favour. In addition to strict limits to numbers, on board accommodation design, passenger comfort and, safety inside the vessel also needs to be regulated and standardised. This should include the compulsory provision of life jackets to all passengers.

There are other aspects that need to be addressed with regard to public safety at sea. Boat crews need to have minimum swimming skills and life saving skills as part of their competence to operate such small scale ferry services. The sea worthiness of such vessels should be regulated. Furthermore, the sea-going range of such small vessels should be strictly regulated.

Today, with tourism, both domestic and foreign, booming, all these standards and facilities need to be introduced without delay.

Appointment of a High Court Judge

A minor furore broke out last week over the appointment of a lawyer to a provincial High Court with wild charges of constitutional violation, political favours and ethnic bias being flung hither and thither.

The judge concerned had been a practising lawyer at the unofficial bar in one of the country’s most prominent judicial areas of Batticaloa.

Sober examination of the issue throws a reassuring light on the facts and circumstances.

Such appointment of lawyers to the judicial bench is not uncommon and has occurred in many parts of the world where democratic judicial systems function. It has happened before in Sri Lanka too.

A recent similar appointment in this country was made during the tenure of Chief Justice Sarath Silva. In this case, too, the rationale was to redress the paucity of Tamils on the bench.

After decades of disruptive war and ethnic conflict, there has been the inevitable decline of minority professionals holding office in many institutions. At this time of reconciliation, the redressing of such imbalances is a matter of priority.

What is critical is the observation of proper procedure in such appointments. In the appointment in question, even as the relevant professional bodies themselves have recognised, all such procedure and formalities have been observed.

The competence of the individual is recognised. The President, in making the appointment has consulted with all requisite officers and obtained their concurrence.

The only criticism seems to be emanating from political sources and these sources are well known for their penchant to raising inter-ethnic suspicions unscrupulously and solely for their own political advantage. It is noteworthy that during the tenure of some of these politicos there were many such appointments to officialdom of people with no competence whatsoever. And, the citizenry well remembers the flagrant violation of procedure and protocol in the making of these appointments.

Sunday Island Editorial

Corruption and the courts

26 February 2017

 

We have today run three of the concluding paragraphs of the Indian Supreme Court judgment on the Sasikala case on our front page today as we believe that there are many things for us in Sri Lanka to learn about how India tackles corruption among politicians.

There is no need to labour the point that corruption among politicians is as bad here as in India. India being a huge country, the scale of corruption there must necessarily be much greater than in this small island of ours. But the fact that the various investigative agencies were able over a period of many years to gather reams of material to convict both Jayalalithaa, Sasiskala’s mentor and her protégé who may yet ascend the chief ministerial throne in Chennai is a matter of no small import. True, the Karnataka High Court overturned the original court verdict but the Indian Supreme Court has delivered the final judgment and Sasikala is in jail.

Sil redhi (paid for by the taxpayers) is small change compared to the goodies like rice cookers, television receivers and what not gifted to Tamil Nadu voters at election time. UNPers earned the appellation of buth gottas for the practice of giving a packet of rice, often accompanied by a bottle of arrack, to their supporters when their assistance to win elections became necessary. Now buriyani packets and something to wash it down with is standards issue, along with T-shorts, caps and saris in party colours. Sil redhi was a new one. This matter is now subject of a court hearing and the final verdict will be a judicial determination. There has been testimony that millions of rupees of funds belonging to the Telecommunication Regulatory Commission had been paid on ‘orders from above’ to pay for the cloth that appeared to have been distributed as a vote gathering sweetener.

It was in the post-1977 period that corruption and commissions went sky high. That phenomenon was directly related to the growth of public expenditure with several gigantic schemes like the Mahaweli diversion and many more taking off. The money supply of the country multiplied not tenfold but hundredfold - maybe more. There will be people who will remember that the National Savings Bank whose interest rates some decade earlier were at lower single digits paid as much as 22 percent at a time that the rupee was depreciated very steeply against hard currencies like the dollar and the pound sterling. Huge contracts were awarded and huge commissions were ‘earned’ – if that is the right word to use. Robbed seems more appropriate. Politicians, bureaucrats and various agents representing foreign suppliers made mega bucks on the various schemes. These additional costs, as they must, eventually trickled down to the taxpayer where the buck always stops. US President Harry Truman once famously said "The Buck Stops Here" meaning the presidency. That buck of course was of the ‘passing the buck’ variety, not hard cash.

Though Sasikala maybe in jail serving a four year term, and also faces a 10-year ban from politics, her nominee has taken office as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu. She commands the loyalty of the majority of the State Assembly and like some of our drug barons in prison she would be able to pull the strings manipulating many affairs of government. Older readers may remember that here in Sri Lanka many decades ago political parties nominated MPs found guilty by a Bribery Commission to stand for re-election and the voters re-elected them. The gratifications that may have been taken then would have been small change by today’s standards. As one of those MP’s said, they were small santhosams for the "work I have done." Such work may have been securing a transfer or helping somebody to get a job. There was one MP, found guilty of bribery, who was expelled from Parliament during the 1965 Dudley Senanayake government. We cannot remember any other such cases.

Today a whole host of functionaries of the previous regime are under investigations and many of them have been hauled before the courts and placed in remand. How successful these investigations will be and whether hard evidence that can ensure conviction has been unearthed in an open question. Just like people by and large are very well aware that corruption was rampant during the Mahinda Rajapaksa years, they are equally aware that the situation is no better now. Witch hunting allegations are legion and questions are being asked whether those in office today are immune from investigation. We do not know whether the various investigating authorities do their work in a chronological order so that the older cases come up first. But there is a clear perception that there are attempts to protect those who belong to the ruling establishment or has its patronage. The alleged bond scam matter though is now subject to an inquiry by a Special Presidential Commission in what appears to be a tussle between the two constituents of the ruling National Unity Government.

Investigating Jayalalithaa and Sasikala over a period of nearly 20 years, despite various compulsions of coalition politics, is no mean achievement. So also the judgment of the original trial court which though reversed by the High Court of Karnataka, has now been affirmed by the Supreme Court of India. President Sirisena has chosen to go public about how a former chief justice had seen him not once but twice pleading to be retained in office and promising judgments desired by the rulers. We have had another chief justice apologizing for a wrong judgment. He continues to publicly consort with politicians to the detriment of the institution he once headed. India has no such problems with its highest court enjoying the greatest respect of the people. Given the proportions corruption has assumed in our country, perhaps a degree of judicial activism in this area is desirable.

Ceylon Today Editorial

Sri Lanka’s cricketing history...

25 February 2017

The dropping of Chandimal after a successful 2016 season and not getting on in the following year, is his own fault and none can be blamed for his not playing the game in awareness. There is one good thing that has come out of the recent changes that have taken place with the selection of players. The system to go for newer players according to their performances in the domestic set up has been working to an extent. The unfortunate thing is its success being only partially working may not get the wanted results in the end.

Its working partially is the fault of the tournament that leads to selecting players from a very limited field. Although the overall picture includes schools, due to limitations found in the club tournament it seems to also minimize experience so necessary for the upkeep of a cricketer. There is a tendency for most Sri Lankan youngsters to not gain minds that are well developed for sports at school level yet seldom players are found today with natural tendencies. But, there used to be schoolboys who managed to find themselves in the presence of seniors at club level while at young ages and developed their strengths further.

The scope in the premier tournament in Sri Lanka is somewhat curbed, due to a number of causes. One of main being the lack of experienced players. The gaining of experience in a tournament comprising a fewer number of teams cannot produce those desired levels. Such shortages when found in the main tournament, where they have the chance and could gain the vital strengths to cope with on-field situations found in international games, such go lacking. These are vital for developing the younger players building skills in them and also the development so vital to their confidence and consistency. These have to deal with awareness, which is the proper mind set.

These qualities that are missing in players cannot gain a worthy level while playing cricket with others who have developed these qualities. Further, with fewer numbers of teams it is not easy to get into competition with such sides having more experienced players. And yet their history with the game that helped to make good their deficiency, is the reason why Sri Lanka is yet a feared side, even though lacking those vital qualities. Winning that World Cup within about twenty years of getting into their first international competition went on to prove their capabilities to a greater extent.

Today it is the ODs and T20s that are considered the most important aspects of the game around the world. It is where all that money can be most satisfyingly gained; the recent IPL auction proved it once again, with the prices they were willing to pay the better players. Even players, who got into international level recently but proved their capabilities, got the opportunity to go under the gong at good prices.

In Test cricket what is considered the learning point of cricket is still where the qualities of players are persistently under view as explained earlier. It is the cricket that is toughest to play; it is where you need to be perfectly fit to go on for five days on the trot. And yet, play that perfect forward defence on the final day and bowl leg spinners with the most perfect action. It is where the talent is exposed and players are considered to be out of touch.

In the shorter versions, the ODs and T20s, it is a different application altogether. It is a place one would rather not be when the going gets tough. Fitness is a most vital commodity and there are no half way measures going into the field especially with a sound mind. That is where the T20 is considered the most vibrant of all cricket played on earth up to date.

Sanath Jayasuriya sent back Chandimal to get more acquainted with club cricket. But, at Chandimal's level improvement can come only with playing in the proper tournament where his mental approach can get repaired. He will not find it playing in the domestic tournament where he has already been. Either that, or keep playing him at international level as did Marvan after getting all those ducks. What happened was they found that there was a glut of wicket keeper batsmen and they could take a chance with not making Chandimal to play; only he is to blame in this instance for not being updated with as to who was ready to step into his shoes. Where Chandimal has failed constantly is in the shortest version.

Daily News Editorial

Time for stern action

25 February 2017

Every time a boat overturns in rough seas and deaths occur, there is a public outcry for tighter regulations. The authorities too promise to do the same but over a period of time, everything is forgotten until the next tragedy occurs. But the latest incident, in which at least 15 people perished when their boat capsized while going on a pilgrimage in Katukurunda, has galvanized the public, the authorities and the media like never before.

The simple fact is that this was a tragedy waiting to happen due to the lackadaisical attitude towards existing maritime safety regulations. And it was an easily preventable one. An accident of this nature happens due to the cumulative effect of several mistakes that pile up on one another.

The first mistake was using a fishing boat for a pilgrimage. That should have been a strict no-no. As the name implies, fishing boats are built for one purpose and one purpose only – fishing - and can carry only around six persons. They do not have the facilities required of a normal passenger boat, such as seats and safety equipment, although even fishing boats are now mandated by law to carry lifejackets and flotation devices.

There is a ground-based analogy – normal private buses are theoretically not supposed to operate “special tours” on hire, because they lack the creature comforts and sometimes the passenger insurance. There are a number of companies that provide licensed tour buses for such trips, but they are more expensive. Most people thus opt for the former which is arguably cheaper, without knowing the advantages of hiring a tour bus.

The same goes for boat trips. There are leisure tour boat operators who generally fulfill all safety requirements, but fishing boats are cheaper and easier to get. This is where the analogy ends - unlike the road, the sea is terribly unforgiving if you do not know how to swim. Even if you know how to swim, the sea conditions at the time of capsizing could make you drown.

The second mistake was overloading. This boat had more than 40 passengers, whereas it could accommodate only around six. To get back to our first analogy, most buses are terribly overcrowded but the bus can somehow go on without a major accident if the driver is careful enough. But on the high seas, in a fishing boat, that equation literally goes out of the water. Overloading affects the very stability of the boat and is a recipe for disaster.

The third, is the apparent lack of safety gear on board the ill-fated boat. EVERY boat, fishing or leisure, must have lifejackets and bigger vessels must have at least one lifeboat. The regulation is already in place, but implementation seems to be a problem. Other safety devices must also be carried, including flotation devices, rescue ropes and communications equipment.

Lifejackets save lives, period. How many more tragedies should happen before we realise this? Again, coming back to a road analogy, motorists now buckle up almost automatically because they know that seat belts save lives. In the same way, people should be wise enough to don a life jacket as soon as they board a boat. If any boat operator says “no lifejackets”, just do not patronize his business and walk away. The Government should strictly enforce the lifejacket regulations at least now.

The authorities should also insist on the installation of stabilizers on every new large fishing or leisure vessel. They literally help boats to be on an even keel and survive formidable waves. It is a somewhat expensive solution, but it can make a boat ride much more stable.

Safety gear can only do so much, if the human element fails. There was an emotional angle to this boat ride, being a pilgrimage. But that is no reason to abandon safety precautions. Every traveller must know about safety precautions that should be followed in a boat ride. The media should also play a bigger role in raising awareness on maritime safety. The licences of all operators who fail to adhere to safety guidelines must be cancelled, as the Government has done in this particular case.

There are several places of worship around the coast that have to be reached by boat, including the famous St. Anthony’s Church in Kachchatheevu Island. The authorities should draw up plans to ensure the safety of pilgrims in consultation with the religious leaders, boat operators and the Police. The seaworthiness of these boats and their safety features must be inspected beforehand. If they come up short in terms of safety equipment, they should not be allowed on the highs seas. We can learn a few lessons from other countries that have similar events on how they ensure the passengers’ safety.

Accidents do happen despite the best of precautionary measures. It is vital to have a more organised search and rescue system around our coast to ensure that help is available fast if a maritime accident occurs. A holistic approach is needed to the whole issue, from regulations to rescue.

The Island Editorial

Cobra-mongoose cooperation

25 February 2017

 

Joint Opposition (JO) firebrand Wimal Weerawansa has been fighting quite a battle, during the last so many months, to have his National Freedom Front (NFF) recognised as an independent party in Parliament. He says he has pulled out of the SLFP-led UPFA. Strangely, resistance to his move has come not so much from the SLFP, which leads the UPFA, but from the UNP! Speaker Karu Jayasuriya has told the House that he will take up the issue with the party leaders, but it is highly unlikely that Weerawansa’s wish will ever be granted in that his move is severely detrimental to the UNP’s interests as well.

Time was when the SLFP, under former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s leadership, defended the then beleaguered UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and helped foil his rivals’ efforts to oust him. Whenever disgruntled UNPers staged protest marches and tried to surround their party office in a bid to get rid of Wickremesinghe, President Rajapaksa had the roads near Sirikotha relaid thus helping hold the protesters at bay. We once pointed out in this space that at the rate the UNPers were mounting protests and the RDA (Road Development Authority) was carrying out relaying projects in Pitakotte, we would have elevated highways in that area. The Rajapaksas did so not out of any love for Wickremesinghe; they knew the best way to weaken the UNP was to perpetuate its internal problems by keeping him at the helm of that party.

There is obviously no love lost between the SLFP and the UNP. President Maithripala Sirisena is consolidating his position in the government and trying to checkmate the UNP through the Treasury bond probe. The UNP is also doing its damnedest to undermine his authority. But, for their own political survival they have had to cooperate like a cobra and a mongoose holding on to the same log, in a violent flood, and helping balance it to avoid being drowned. This is why the UNP has leapt to the defence of Sirisena, troubled by the NFF’s attempt to break up the UPFA. It may not be having Darley Road relaid, but it is all out to prevent the disintegration of the SLFP-led UPFA so as to help President Sirisena retain his grip on the SLFP and, thereby, the UPFA lest the present government should collapse. The executive presidency is the linchpin which keeps the yahapalana administration together.

The NFF’s pullout from the UPFA is part of the JO’s strategy to isolate President Sirisena politically and weaken his position in national politics in time for the next electoral exercise. Sirisena’s loss will be the Rajapaksas’ gain. The JO’s battle plan is clear; it wants to enable the newly formed Sri Lanka People’s Front (SLPF) to attract the UPFA constituents and emerge as an alternative to the SLFP. Even some of the SLFPers who secured ministerial posts by siding with President Sirisena are now straddling the fence if their public statements are anything to go by; known for acting out of expediency rather than principle, they won’t hesitate to switch their allegiance to the Rajapaksas to safeguard their interests.

Weerawansa’s NFF may not be a powerful political force where its numerical strength is concerned, but its exit from the UPFA is likely to have a snowball effect. This is a worrisome proposition for the UNP, which is not yet prepared to ditch President Sirisena. For, its economic performance has been pathetic and its efforts to neutralise the Rajapaksa factor have come a cropper. The anti-incumbency factor is weighing against it. Public resentment over economic hardships, unfulfilled election promises, waste of public resources, corruption, abuse of power etc is welling up. It needs the SLFP to prop it up.

Interestingly, the UNP, which is trying to put paid to the NFF’s attempt to be independent in Parliament, forged an alliance with the SLFP, which acted independently without the UPFA’s consent, to form what is being described as a national government. The 19th Amendment provides for a coming together of the winner and the runner-up at a general election to form a national government and make ministerial appointments in excess of the constitutionally prescribed limit. But, it is the SLFP, and not the UPFA, which contested the last parliamentary election!

Weerawansa may be able to break ranks with the SLFP-led UPFA, but he is only hoping against hope if he thinks his party will be recognised as an independent entity in Parliament. All signs are that he will have to remain behind bars indefinitely.

Daily News Editorial

President’s admission

24 February 2017

President Maithripala Sirisena has dropped a bombshell of sorts. Addressing SLFP organisers at the President’s House on Wednesday, the President revealed that there were rogues and wrong doers in the previous regime as well as the present one and that he has kept this uppermost in his mind when working. President Sirisena is the first Executive President to own up that there were rogues in his government (SWRD Bandaranaike took action against certain MPs who were convicted of bribery). Of course, President Premadasa too came out with the revelation that there were thieves in his government. But this was after the Lalith Gamini duo left the government and tried to impeach Premadasa. Those familiar with the politics of that era would recall the rash of neu gilla, Mahaweliya keva (ships were sunk and Mahaweliya was devoured) posters that appeared throughout the country at the same time.

JRJ, while not directly admitting that there were rouges in his government, nevertheless increased the salaries and perks of his ministers on the basis that this will keep them out of temptation’s way. President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga did not reveal that there were thieves in her government but only that there were those who besmirched her good name, mage moone deli gewa, after the infamous Wayamba election which was rigged to glory, courtesy prominent members of her government.

In that sense President Sirisena’s admission is a first and is bound to be met with mixed reactions.

There will be those who will acknowledge the President’s candidness in admitting that there were indeed rogues in his government while others would ask what was he doing about it?

Politicians in the present day are not of the same make and breed that the people came to know in the immediate post Independence era. That was a time when politics was strictly a public service that attracted philanthropists, benefactors of various causes and the upper echelons of society who were awash with the dosh and did not need politics to stand up financially. Of course there were a few among this breed who sought upward social mobility and used politics as a convenient vehicle for this purpose.

Today, things have changed drastically, with politics being a livelihood for some while for others it is a means of becoming super rich. It is an open secret today how those who did not even posses the means to purchase a push cycle are riding in flashy SUVs and Pajeros while owning property and mansions overseas. With no academic qualifications required to become a parliamentarian, it was party time for all and sundry, the riff-raff included, as it is all too evident today.

True, one can blame the open economy as the primary cause for the level of corruption one sees in present day politics. The liberalization of the economy and the dismantling of safeguards and barriers had certainly opened the doors for financial crimes such as money laundering on a scale never heard before. It is also equally true that the type of individuals who have entered politics had contributed in a large scale towards the present malaise. Those with criminal records and unsavoury characters have today laid siege on the body politic, muscling their way to plunder and ill gotten wealth, using the political power at their disposal. Both main parties are guilty of harbouring such elements in their midst but entertain them for their voting getting value. The Proportional Representation system has only exacerbated matters.

Now that the President, no less, has admitted that there are rogues even in the government it is incumbent on him to identify such elements and weed them out .He will no doubt cover himself with glory by such an act as the first Head of State to show the door to his own men who are corrupt . After all, he is on record stating that the people did not get rid of one set of rogues to replace them with another set. Besides there is his mandate to fulfill to cleanse the body politic of corrupt elements.

Namal’s mea culpa

Parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa has made a mea culpa of sorts, perhaps on behalf of his father former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. The eldest of the Rajapaksa progeny, the other day, speaking to journalists outside the Supreme Court, said that he felt incarcerating former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka was wrong and that it is better if it did not happen. In the same breath the former first son says that the he (Fonseka) was imprisoned through a legal procedure after allegations were made against him and that they, meaning the Rajapaksas, did not take revenge by politically insulting him. It is obvious to even a political novice that Fonseka was imprisoned for politically challenging Mahinda Rajapaksa, in a clear act of revenge. The fact that nothing is heard of the case brought against Fonseka is a clear indication of this. If depriving the war winning Army Commander of his civic rights was not political revenge let Namal explain what it is.

Ceylon Today Editorial

Blunderbussing West

24 February 2017

Ms. Anna Uggla, Delhi based Swedish Embassy's Political Affairs Counsellor, speaking to this newspaper recently, said that South Africa's former High Commissioner to Colombo Geoffrey Doidge had impressed upon her the importance of foreign judicial involvement to guarantee the accountability and reconciliation process in Sri Lanka. (See 'Ceylon Today's' 16 February, 2017 issue)

She was speaking in the context of the pledge that Colombo had given the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva in September 2015, of permission for foreign jurists to sit in judgment over Sri Lanka in respect of alleged human rights abuse, especially during the closing stages of its war against the LTTE.

Whereas those persecuted in South Africa was the majority black population by the minority whites, the situation in Sri Lanka was somewhat different, where, in the latter context, it was the alleged persecution of a minority community, i.e. Jaffna Tamils living in the North, by Sri Lanka's 75% Sinhala majority population, in the form of its armed forces, acting on the instructions of the Government of Sri Lanka.

While one cannot condone persecution in any form, whether it be in the form of the minority persecuting the majority or vice versa, one also has to take into account ground realities. 'One size fits all' in this context may be apt in dealing with countries, which do not have a developed judicial system, or, for that matter, a skewed judicial system, such as that which was practised by the then apartheid South Africa, which acclaimed the supremacy of the whites, while at the same time denigrating the other races to the status of lesser beings, no better, or a little better than the animals living in the wilds of South Africa.

Sri Lanka doesn't have that culture, nor does it have a Constitution that extols the superiority of one race over the other, like that of apartheid South Africa's. The island's Constitutions, since Independence, or, on the eve of Independence, beginning with the Soulbury Constitution of 1947 and ending with the Second Republican Constitution of 1978 (the current Constitution now in force), has always emphasized the equality of races. None of the three Constitutions of post Independence Ceylon/Sri Lanka harped on the superiority of once race over the other/s.

On the other hand, all of those Constitutions upheld the rights of man, regardless of race, religion, caste or social status. Quite different to Doidge's South Africa, where the former High Commissioner was one of the alleged freedom fighters of Nelson Mandela's African National Congress which was responsible for the overthrow of South Africa's apartheid regime with the least amount of bloodshed 23 years ago in 1994.

In fact in 1994, the year that South Africa's apartheid regime was dismantled, the only Constitution that South Africa had, then, was its apartheid Constitution which prescribed the superiority of the white race over all other races.

It's no wonder that a 'truth commission' was formed in post-apartheid South Africa a year later in 1995, under the shadow of South Africa's white supremacist apartheid Constitution, with the apparent participation of international jurists.

South Africa finally drew up a Constitution, recognizing the rights of all, regardless of colour, creed or any other man made differences as late as in 1996, i.e. two years after the dismantling of its apartheid regime and a year after the establishment of its Truth Commission. Small wonder, therefore, as to why that Commission, to mete out justice, had to go beyond its own domestic laws which were partial towards white supremacy, then.

Sri Lanka doesn't have such a primitive or a young judicial system like South Africa's. Nonetheless South Africa's judicial system, complementing its Constitution, vis-à-vis impartiality, i.e. recognizing the rights of all, is only 21 years old! Whereas, the island's judicial system, in tandem with its Constitutions, post- Independence, or, on the eve of Independence, is more than three times that age, at 70 years as old as its recognition of the rights of man.

That's the initial premise as to why there is no need to have foreign jurists to find out the truth in Sri Lanka's case. And the second and last premise, by insisting of such, there is the danger of Sri Lanka becoming another Iran, playing into the hands of Sinhala-Buddhist extremists, which particular community forms 70% of the island's population, but much less than the overwhelming black population, the victims of apartheid, in the then South Africa.

Sri Lanka has systems and mechanisms, with a strong judicial system in place, to seek after the truth, on behalf of its own citizens. It has no need of an uplift like in the case of South Africa in 1994, which had no impartial Constitution of its own, then, that apparently drew the necessity for international jurists to meddle in its internal affairs, to seek justice to its overwhelmingly strong, black, majority population.