Tuesday, February 7, 2017

The Island Editorial

A draconian move to bury justice



The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government is in a mighty rush to bury justice by hurrying it, so to speak. Justice hurried is justice buried, they say. It is reportedly going hell for leather to set up a Criminal Justice Commission (CJC), camouflaged as ‘a tribunal to inquire into corruption’ to deal with high profile financial crimes. The proposed outfit is to be vested with powers to mete out punishment, we are told.

The ill-conceived government move is an indictment on the judiciary whose independence, impartiality and efficiency the yahapalana leaders claim to have restored. The CJC project is counterproductive in that it is tantamount to an expression of the government’s lack of confidence in the judiciary at a time the ruling coalition is coming under increasing international pressure to set up a hybrid court with the participation of international judges.

If the government thinks the local judiciary is not equal to the task of dealing with even bribery and corruption cases properly how can it convince the international community that war crimes allegations can be probed without foreign involvement? Blinded by partisan politics, hatred and political expediency, it has played into the hands of the campaigners for a hybrid war crimes tribunal.

In a way, the government’s predilection for setting up undemocratic institutions should come as no surprise. For, the legitimacy of the so-called national unity government itself is in question. The 19th Amendment to the Constitution provides for a coming together of the winner and the runner-up at a parliamentary election to overcome the constitutional limit on the number of ministers. The UNP should have coalesced with the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), which contested the 2015 general election, and not the SLFP, which is only a constituent of the UPFA. The SLFP was not on the list of political parties in the election fray, was it?

Special presidential commissions, like the one tasked with probing the Central Bank bond scams, may be appointed to conduct thorough investigations into allegations of bribery and corruption and other such offences so that charges can be preferred against the culprits properly. But, the task of conducting trials and meting out punishment to the accused must be left entirely to the judiciary; there must not be any politically motivated parallel court system. Is it that the government thinks the judiciary is not malleable enough?

True, the SLFP-led United Front government appointed a CJC in the 1970s to deal with many suspected insurrectionists, but it, naturally, incurred much public opprobrium. Times were different then with neither the judiciary nor the police being equipped to handle that unprecedented situation, but the CJC was still considered draconian and rightly so. It is unbecoming of the self-proclaimed champions of good governance to resort to such action.

The previous regime was full of rogues who helped themselves to public funds. They must be brought to justice and the stolen funds recovered in keeping with the incumbent government’s pre-election promises. But, the proposed CJC move, which smacks of a desperate measure to target anti-government activists on the pretext of expediting the process of punishing thieves of public funds, cannot be justified on any grounds.

Former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga sounded very confident when she declared in public the other day that a member of the former ruling clan had stolen as much as USD 1 billion. If so, why don’t the yahapalana leaders get cracking? They can have the person concerned arraigned on charges of corruption forthwith. There is no need for a CJC to do so; police and the courts can deal with the suspect concerned.

Interestingly, some of the ministers who have called for a CJC to deal with corruption were key ministers of the Rajapaksa government which was condemned for its corrupt deals. So, they cannot absolve themselves of the blame for bribery and corruption which thrived under that regime simply by defecting to the other camp and pretending to be paragons of virtue. They are calling for stoning sinners in a bid to dupe the public into believing that they are innocent!

Corruption, we repeat, must be probed and culprits brought to justice regardless of their station in life as a national priority. But, the government move to set up a special tribunal to achieve its political objectives in the name of battling corruption must be resisted with might and main lest kangaroo courts should come to replace the existing judiciary.

Daily News Editorial

Mixing priorities

08 February 2017

Measures are underway for a change in the police uniform, to bring the sartorial aspect of the police personnel in line with contemporary times, it was reported. The last change made to the police uniform was way back in 1974, followed by several additions to the standard Khaki uniform adopted at the beginning of the century. IGP Pujitha Jayasundera has granted approval to conduct the survey on whether the police uniform should be changed to improve the service of the Sri Lanka Police. The survey will focus on public opinion on changing the police uniform, identification of the uniform colour with the responsibilities of the police officers, effects of the change on the civil society and on the change of attitude of the public towards the police based on the changed uniform, according a news item we carried in Monday's edition.

Of course, the mandatory uniform of staff in certain state sector institutions have been subject to change after a period. Most of these take place with the change in governments. The national carrier is one example where the green hued peacock sari of the air hostesses turned blue with end of the UNP regime. The change in the hue of the Air hostesses’ uniforms did not see a turnaround in the financial fortunes of the national carrier. The government is today battling to bail out the debt ridden entity.

Similarly, it is hoped, the change in the current Khaki uniform would not be a change for the sake of change exercise but a well thought out one. We say this because re-uniforming some 85,000 police personnel countrywide is going to be a costly exercise which would also raise the question if the government has got its priorities right. Besides, the public are quite accustomed to the current Khaki uniform of the police which still inspires awe and respect among most, although some gentlemen in Khaki had brought disrepute and dishonour to the police uniform. Hence the stature and symbolism of the Khaki uniform should be kept intact. Any changes to this ubiquitous symbol of authority will not have the desired impact immediately and it would take a long time, if at all, for the public to get accustomed to any change contemplated.

Be that as it may, what the IGP should strive for is a macro transformation and measures to raise the image of his service as a whole. Needless to say this cannot be achieved by a mere change of hue in the police uniform. The Police service, while in recent times earning for itself laurels for many important arrests and detections have still not exactly endeared itself to the public. A Minister in the Rajapaksa government placed the police as the second most corrupt state institution and many would not have entirely disagreed with this view.

While the IGP is striving his utmost to clean up the service and make it acceptable to the public there are still obstacles confronted by him in his endeavours. Corruption has become so endemic in the police service, the IGP's no doubt will be an uphill task to reform and transform the ways and attitudes of his men. To begin with, the the policemen, especially the patrolmen, and others in the lower ranks are a poorly paid lot and cannot be kept out of temptation's way. This is mostly seen in the case of the Traffic Police who are notoriously on the take. Hence, the recent decision by the government to increase the salaries of the lower grades in the police service by 40% is a move in the right direction though it is moot if this alone will make a change.

Police brutality, though rarely heard these days, is not exactly a thing of the past. The war mindset cannot be erased in the case of most policemen even today, a full eight years after the war. These men were recruited sans any screening, to augment manpower, and old habits, as they say, die hard. This propensity to violence we see today is, no doubt, a carryover from the war days and should be put right if the police service is to be turned into an essentially civil enforcement body.

The IGP also should strive to ensure the dignity of the Khaki uniform is not belittled. Today it is common to see policemen getting into arguments with protestors and are sometimes at the receiving end of verbal abuse. He should not allow a similar fate to that which befell the police personnel guarding the UN compound in Colombo during a demonstration led by Wimal Weerawansa to re-visit his men.

In that episode, following a telephone call by the then Defence Secretary to the officer in charge to clear his men, supporters of the politician went about humiliating and making play at the police on duty, tugging them from their uniforms, with one officer even having his hat removed by the mob. Protecting the dignity of the Khaki uniform would be much more feasible than any change effected to this symbol of authority.

Ceylon Today Editorial

Setting the record straight

08 February 2017
 
This newspaper on its Monday's edition published an article from the 'The Hindu,' which purportedly gave the reason behind India's military involvement in Sri Lanka.

The report, allegedly quoting a declassified report of the CIA's said that President J.R. Jayewardene invited the Indians because his own troops refused to takeover Jaffna due to fear of casualties.

The principle actor behind these so-called declassified reports, Jayewardene is long dead. Therefore, it's difficult to verify this claim.

But, from a historical perspective, this report is wrong.

'Operation Liberation,' launched on 26 May, 1987, was a military operation conducted by the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) in the Northern Peninsula to rid the country of Tamil terrorists.

It's in and around this time that this allegedly declassified CIA report refers to.

That was also during this period that the Bank of Ceylon Headquarters building in Colombo was opened by Jayewardene.

Jayewardene, speaking at this occasion and referring to the then military operation said, 'Either they (terrorists) win or we'll win.
If not, we will pack our bags and go home.'

Meanwhile, Sri Lankan troops, which landed in Vadamarachchi (under Operation Liberation), the northern most tip of the Jaffna Peninsula which houses Point Pedro, made rapid progress and within days were in the outskirts of Jaffna.

In the days or hours preceding India's military involvement, firstly, Premier Rajiv Gandhi's acolyte, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran, politically nurtured by Gandhi's mother Indira, the immediately preceding Indian Premier to wage a phoney war against Jayewardene's Sri Lanka, who was a person she desisted, sent so-called food shipments to the allegedly 'starving' Tamils in Jaffna.

These shipments were however, not allowed to cross the Sri Lankan maritime zone by the Sri Lankan Navy. This was on 2 June 1987, just a week after the launch of 'Operation Liberation.'

Not to be dictated to by Jayewardene, Rajiv then launched his trump card, his 'secret weapon' on tiny Sri Lanka on 4 June 1987. That was the Indian military airdrop over Jaffna for the allegedly starving people of Jaffna, which blatant aggression over Sri Lanka's airspace was complemented by Rajiv coming on the 'hotline' and telling Jayewardene, 'We will not allow you to takeover Jaffna.'

That ended Sri Lanka's military operation over the Tamil terrorists for fear of further Indian military intervention and the signing of the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord (ILPA) nearly two months later, on 29 July 1987, which, simultaneously saw the induction of Indian troops, the so-called Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) into the Northern and Eastern parts of the island, and the barracking of Sri Lankan troops.

While, virtually all of the Tamil terrorist groups laid down their arms under the ILPA, the only recalcitrant outfit was the LTTE, which, ipso facto, refused to give up arms.

They continued with their acts of terror in the North-East.

With the Sri Lankan troops barracked under the ILPA and the IPKF turning a Nelsonian eye to these atrocities committed by the LTTE, the Sinhala villagers in the East and in particular Trincomalee, were virtually defenceless.

Things came to a head when the LTTE killed a Buddhist monk in Trincomalee, leading a peaceful protest against the LTTE's acts of terror against the Sinhalese.

In the interim, Sri Lanka's majority 75% Sinhala population, not least the Sri Lankan troops, was agitated over this forced accord of the Indians. That gave birth to the second JVP uprising in Sri Lanka, with the South virtually in flames and a state of near anarchy, gripping the island, then.

After this Buddhist monk was killed and the government virtually out of control due to the events that followed, beginning with India's military, air aggression on 4 June, Jayewardene in exasperation called Rajiv over the hotline and 'demanded' from him that the IPKF disarm the LTTE as per one of the conditions of the ILPA.

That set the ball rolling, with Rajiv acceding to Jayewardene's request, resulting in the deaths of over 1,200 Indian troops in the hands of the LTTE, which 'The Hindu' had also referred to, not forgetting the blowing up of Rajiv by an LTTE human bomber in Chennai on 21 May, 1991, which, once and for all seemingly neutralized India's military involvement in Sri Lanka.