Ceylon Today Editorial

Achieving objectives properly

01 April 2017

One of the objectives of the Sports Ministry in their programme for sports is making sports an essential and integral part of the Sri Lankan culture and society. These days getting close to the biggest event in the country, the Sinhala and Tamil New Year, in the village areas you can see youngsters on early morning runs training for the Avurudu (New Year) festivities of which cross country running is part. And it has been a feature nearing the Avurudu times for a long period in the modern times of marathons and half marathons.

In most of these cross country runs it mostly encourages school children below the age of 18 and prompted by their parents and other family members get encouraged to take part in them. These events throughout the country are done in the most haphazard way. Children have ended their lives due to not getting proper information about training for long distance running, and dos and don'ts to adhere to during taking part or having the proper strength to carry out such tasks.

Now, part of the Sports Ministry objectives No. 1) is to make 'Sports' an essential integral part of Sri Lankan culture and society;

No. 2) to make use of sports to improve the physical health of every Sri Lankan in order to improve their living conditions; No. 3) to provide the requisite knowledge and opportunity so that everybody can engage in sports. Can you think of a better place and time for them to get involved in their preachings.

But the Sports Ministry is ever ready to spend through their nose to organize the annual sports festival or other such programmes undertaken by them involving school children and their higher ups. It is said in No. 4), to make necessary resources and infrastructure facilities available to improve sports as a whole. The pageantry is necessary, there is quite a difference in spending for resources and infrastructure facilities available, and getting political yardage through these shows. There is no way the show will do any good for sports which resources and infrastructure will do for sports. No. 5) talks about improving Sri Lanka's international image as a country full of talents in sports; yes, we have achieved it with cricket. There is an Olympics programme to have indigenous sports to be included in the Olympic Games. By improving local games played at the Avurudu time to international standards we might stand a chance of getting the Sri Lankan image forward faster.No. 6) talks of job opportunities and promoting the economy with the improving of the sports industry; it is something that most leaders of this country have never given enough thought towards, except to use it for their own purposes. The sports industry is a sure way of getting people into jobs. At present it is used to black market tickets during cricket matches; of course it is a way to earn but is not providing jobs that go in hand with sports. That the sports industry is a money earner can be seen from the way China is involving themselves in promoting football, basketball following the American and European system of running leagues. We can also do it getting sponsors ready as do India for their sports.

Promoting professional sports in the country on the above mentioned system is definitely going to help with. No. 7) to use sports as a main source of foreign exchange earnings. Treating all sportsmen and women as one while respecting their cultures and ways of life we can achieve No. 8) that is to make use of sports as a means of peace and integration among ethnicities. In sports there is no colour or creed that can get involved, not for the betterment of sports but as a thing that will not give the chance for the nation to make use of good sports people of other ethnic groups for the uplifting of sports in the country.

The Sports Ministry and its personnel can serve better purposes getting organized and involved in sports in such a manner as shown above and not looking at the personal gains; there is a way to improve sports and doing something as a starter will give more ideas of how to take the other step forward. Along with the proposed programmes for schools, it is definitely going to move sports forward which will give more than enough reason to celebrate with all the pomp and glory. For all this to take place the huge wheel of government must be made to move faster.

Daily News Editorial

An impetus for the economy

01 April 2017

Managing the economy is a challenging task especially in a volatile global environment. When the Yahapalana Government came to power in January 2015, the local economy was in dire straits with a huge foreign debt component. Debt servicing has become a huge burden, with some economists predicting that we would be paying off the debt for hundreds more years.

But that is just one of the challenges facing the economy. A coherent and swift response is needed to counter the threats that affect the economy. The Government has realised the need for such a mechanism and proposed to establish a Central Programme Management Unit (CPMU) to deliver ‘big, fast economic results for the country’ in the next three years. This was approved by Cabinet this week as concerns over the economy not growing ‘fast enough’ looms over the government. Given the current trend in economic growth however, the Central Bank is hopeful of a 5-5.5 percent GDP growth by the end of 2017.

The Cabinet had earlier approved the proposal to launch a programme to enable “Accelerated Economic Transformation in Sri Lanka and the setting up of a Central Programme Management Unit”. Thereafter, the Minister of National Policies and Economic Management and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe engaged the services of the US Consultancy group McKinsey and Company to prepare a plan for the implementation of such a programme.

McKinsey consultants have met with government agencies and private sector stakeholders to review government and sector plans and conducted analyses to help define a three year Economic Delivery Programme (EDP) for Sri Lanka. The EDP will only focus on delivering economic outcomes.

The EDP will mainly focus on increasing median income, private sector jobs, investment (both foreign and domestic) exports and government revenue. These are all vital to rejuvenate the economy. The latter three are especially significant – Sri Lanka cannot become a key Asian player without enough investments and a rise in exports and Government revenue. The Prime Minister will be closely involved in the implementation of the economic revitalization programme.

The McKinsey consultants, who have experience in over 20 countries, have identified the three main areas - tourism, agriculture and manufacturing to be accelerated. Their assessment tallies broadly with the sentiments of most local economists and development planners. The Tourism plan calls for marketing and international connectivity efforts on Tier 1 countries like India, China, UK, Germany Russia and France and capturing the luxury segment in Tier 2 markets and hubs such as Middle East- Dubai, USA-New York, Singapore, Australia and Japan. This ties in with the proposed new marketing campaign of Sri Lanka Tourism and plans to increase aircraft movements at the Bandaranaike International Airport after April 6 following the successful completion of the runway overlay. SriLankan will fly to three more Indian cities this year and new airlines such as Silk Air will come in.

Manufacturing is another very important sector that must be given more attention. Plans for this sector will focus on textiles and apparel, electronics and food and beverage. Agriculture, on which much of the local population depends, will see improvements in end to end tea processing, coconut processing and rice cultivation. Both sectors are intimately linked to the export sector. The consultants have also identified the “digital economy” as a key driver of growth.

The consultants have proposed that the programmes be led by relevant ministers closely supported by an identified private sector ‘Czar’. This idea has been around for some time. Now that it has gained traction, the Government should explore the possibility of making an appointment.

The consultants have touched on several other aspects of the economy. One problem that both local and foreign investors face is the incessant red tape. Many have been driven to the point of abandoning their planned investments due to this factor. ‘De-bureaucratising’ the economy is therefore essential. Fast tracking investments should be a priority for the government as there has been a drop of foreign and domestic investments in recent times. However, local politics has come into play in certain projects, threatening their early implementation. One such project is the Hambantota Port project, where certain opposition politicians tried to sabotage the agreement to be signed with China. That sent a negative signal to investors worldwide who were planning to come to Sri Lanka. Investors look for national policies on investment that will not change when a new Government comes to power, but such protests can make investors jittery. In fact, we need national policies on the economy, education, agriculture and health to move forward.

It is also vital to address the notion of inequality in development. The Western Province is growing at a pace similar to that of China while other provinces are lagging behind. This is not a good omen and the authorities should encourage new investors to move inland. The concerns of all stakeholders must be taken into account in going forward with development plans so that future generations will inherit a more prosperous country.

The Island Editorial

‘Puppygate’ and ‘Bondgate’

01 April 2017

 

Governments go to the dogs as we have seen in this country. That may also be true of the rest of the Global South. But, can a dog, much less a puppy, be the cause of the downfall of a head of state? The recently ousted South Korean President Park Geun-hye (65) has been thrown behind bars following her arrest on charges of bribery and corruption. She will be held in detention while prosecutors are busy preparing criminal charges she is to be arraigned on. Perhaps, the alleged acts of bribery and corruption she is said to have committed would not have come to light but for a cute puppy.

The circumstances that led to Park’s fall and subsequent arrest and detention were very dramatic. She got into trouble owing to her association with a wealthy businesswoman, Choi Soon-sil, who is also in custody and on trial. Park stands accused of having benefited from Choi’s largess and her fate was sealed the day the latter had a fight with a male friend over a puppy. Piqued, the man went public with what he knew about the questionable deals between Park and Choi. The Park affair has since been dubbed ‘puppygate’.

Park is alleged to have solicited companies, through Choi, for money and infringed upon the freedom of corporate management in her position as president. If these charges can be proved in courts, she will be jailed for ten years according to prosecutors.

Park’s supporters are up in arms, condemning her arrest while others have welcomed legal action against her. Whether she has run afoul of the law or not remains to be seen with the prosecutors having twenty days to build their case according to media reports. But, South Korea has set an example which is worthy of emulation. It has demonstrated that no one is above the law and anyone who commits an infraction has to face the consequences of his or her action. It has done so, creating political uncertainty in the process, in spite of threats from North Korea.

Earlier, it was the western nations which set such examples. US President Richard Nixon had to resign following the Watergate scandal. But, the western role models, too, have shown signs of going the same way as the developing countries, where leaders are too big to be caught. US President Bill Clinton stayed put having admitted to committing perjury. It may be recalled that in 2000, when the then British Prime Minister Tony Blair’s wife, Cherie, was fined for travelling in a train without a ticket, media paid a glowing tribute to her for obeying the law and asked the leaders and their family members in the developing world to emulate the Blairs. However, the railway company, subsequently, sacked the ticket inspector who had fined Cherie though it initially praised him and used the incident to boost its image. For, it knew the renewal of its contract was coming up for negotiation! Later, Cherie got exposed for having benefited from her association with a fraudster. There was a grand cover-up and she got away with it. Sounds familiar?

Blessed is a country where the law of the land applies equally to one and all including its political leaders whether they are in power or not. Statespersons are a rarity in the modern world and politicians are greedy by nature and their integrity is only lack of opportunity to line their pockets. They never hesitate to avail themselves of opportunities to amass wealth.

This country has been experimenting with various foreign models in a bid to solve its problems. The incumbent administration tells us it has enlisted the support of the UK etc., to deal with financial crimes here. With their help the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) was set up, but the stolen wealth stashed away in the offshore accounts of the former leaders has not yet been traced. The FCID’s dog and pony shows, as it were, have lost their magic. If the yahapalana administration is genuinely desirous of tackling bribery and corruption effectively it ought to look to South Korea for guidance. But, we bet our bottom dollar or rupee that it will never do so because if it ever did, first of all, some of its leaders would have to be thrown behind bars for the biggest ever financial crime in the country—the Treasury bond scam. Fraudsters responsible for the Central Bank heist are moving about freely and seen in the exalted company of the powers that be. It is the fervent hope of all law-abiding Sri Lankans that the big-time rogues who are currently above the law thanks to their political connections will be brought to justice over the ‘Bondgate’ like the disgraced South Korean leader.

Ceylon Today Editorial

Maithri’s K’gala doctrine

31 March 2017

President Maithripala Sirisena speaking at a function in Kurunegala on Wednesday had said, while war heroes would be protected from any war crimes prosecution, those who used the war as a pretext to commit other crimes, including the killings of journalists and sportsmen will however not be protected.(Yesterday's Ceylon Today)

In respect of the killings of journalists and sportsmen which Sirisena referred to in his speech, what immediately comes into mind is former editor of 'The Sunday Leader' Lasantha Wickrematunge killed in 2009, cartoonist Prageeth Ekneligoda the following year, i.e. in 2010 and former Thomian and Sri Lanka ruggerite Wasim Thajudeen two years later in 2012.

His reference to 'non-protection against other crimes' committed in the name of war may include rape, murder, torture, robbery and other forms of crime executed by the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and its agents such as certain GoSL officials and a section of the security forces, Police, civil defence force and others.

The President's reference to the protection of war heroes against judicial sentences of any kind in relation to their prosecution of the war against LTTE terrorists include collateral damage, which encompasses unintended deaths or injuries or even damage or destruction to private property, caused, due to bona fides acts of commission and omission, committed by the aforesaid GoSL officials and a section of the security forces, Police, civil defence force and others.

Previously, Sirisena had said that no foreign jurists would be allowed to investigate alleged war crimes committed by GoSL and its agents in their war against LTTE terrorism, though, GoSL, under his presidency, was a signatory to a UN resolution unanimously passed in October 2015, that gave the green light for foreign jurists to investigate such alleged war crimes.

He, together with Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, has since reverted to the position that such war crimes investigations will be carried out by local jurists with foreigners only being permitted to be present as observers, thereby reinforcing the status that Sri Lanka's judicial system is independent, despite being scarred, battered and bruised in the near 10 year rule of Sirisena's predecessor, Mahinda Rajapaksa, i.e. from November 2005 to 8 January, 2015.

Sirisena's 'Kurunegala Doctrine' is politically double edged.

Kurunegala is the district that provided the highest number of soldiers to the country.

Kurunegala is also the district which Rajapaksa, after divorcing from his family 'seat' of Hambantota District (previously having had represented the Beliatta electorate, before the advent of proportional representation in 1978) which he currently represents, having had successfully contested under Sirisena's leadership in the SLFP/UPFA ticket in the August 2015 Parliamentary Elections.
By doing that and moving away from his family 'seat', he 'gifted' Hambantota to his eldest son Namal, who topped the list in that district, contesting under the SLFP/ UPFA ticket, similar to his father's accomplishment at Kurunegala in the August 2015 poll.

Nonetheless, Rajapaksa (senior), re-entering Parliament as an ordinary MP, which he first did 47 years ago in 1970, as a young man of 25 and, 35 years later, in 2005, to end up climbing the top of the greasy pole, by being elected to the highest position of the land, only to allow himself to slide down rapidly and once more re-enter Parliament as an ordinary MP in 2015, is something which his predecessors had never done, or, probably, never would have had dreamt of doing?

Father and son continuing in politics, is also an extension of family bandyism, particularly in the context of Rajapaksa (Snr.'s) defeat at the 8 January, 2015 Presidential Poll.

Rajapaksa, who hasn't severed his connection with the SLFP or of its coalition the UPFA, which former party, i.e. the lead party of the UPFA coalition, 'nurtured' him and his father D.A. Rajapaksa, in politics, particularly after the latter's defection from the UNP to the SLFP 66 years ago in 1951, is, however, masquerading as the leader of the so called Joint Opposition (JO), comprising disgruntled MPs from the SLFP led UPFA coalition in the current Parliament.

Namal, or for that matter even his father Mahinda (Rajapaksa Snr.) has, however, studiously and shrewdly avoided playing an active role in the JO, allowing lesser minions such as Dinesh Gunawardena (scion of the Boralugoda lion Philip) to play that role.
Nonetheless, Sirisena's Kurunegala Doctrine makes it clear, that not only will foreign jurists not be permitted to sit in judgment in an alleged war crimes tribunal, but that war heroes will also not be prosecuted. Those, who will, however, be prosecuted are only those who committed crimes in the name of war to fulfil their own vested agendas, and that too by local jurists.

He also underscored a fact elaborated by no lesser person than US Ambassador to Sri Lanka Atul Keshap recently, that the island's relations with the international community is at an all time high, thereby dealing a double blow to the Rajapaksas and JO who are hell bent in trying to gain political mileage over this matter of foreign jurists, war heroes and war crimes investigations, and, that way, to try to lead the country down the Gadarene slope of economic, political and social chaos.(See also Ceylon Today's editorial of 1 December, 2016)

Daily News Editorial

The President has spoken

31 March 2017

President Maithripala Sirisena has set the record straight. For the umpteenth time that is. Earlier, he had declared, in no uncertain terms, that he would not compromise the country's War Heroes and would not stand for a hybrid courts. He was followed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe who also declared unequivocally that no War Hero would be brought before any tribunal.

But Mahinda Rajapaksa, and the Joint Opposition, were not convinced, or rather feigned to be unconvinced. They were only interested in exploiting our War Heroes for narrow political gain, assuming a monopoly as the protectors of the country's War Heroes, never mind that they unceremoniously threw the war winning army commander behind bars.

Addressing War Heroes at a function at the Defence Services School, in Kurunegala, on Wednesday, President Sirisena once again reiterated his pledge to stand by the country's War Heroes and declared that no War Hero would be subject to any inquiry relating to abuse of human rights. He said he is not prepared to make any War Hero a suspect on charges levelled against the armed forces and the government on the alleged violation of human rights during the war against terrorism. Pointing out that it is the responsibility and duty of the government to protect the War Heroes, who fought for the Motherland, the President assured that he would always fulfill his responsibility as the President and the Commander-in-Chief.

But, in the same breath, he also stressed that he was unable to protect those found guilty of acts that are not connected to national security and those who are guilty of killing media personnel and sportsmen. President Sirisena could have not been more emphatic. He has declared his stand unequivocally and all right thinking members of the public, no doubt, would approve of the position he had taken. The President has now cleared the air, and, convincingly so, and the Joint Opposition can persist with it's threadbare slogan of a government witch-hunt against War Heroes only at considerable political risk to itself.

No war is fought clean and the Eelam was no exception. To deny that there were no excesses, on the part of security forces, is closing one's eyes to reality. As the saying goes the end justifies the means and today the people from VVT to Dondra Head are reaping the fruits of peace, thanks to the sacrifices made by our forces. To completely turn one's back on these valiant men and throw them to the wolves, would, therefore, seem not only ungrateful but a treacherous act. President Sirisena, as the Commander-in-Chief, has therefore fully stood by the forces and has assured their protection, indemnifying them from any allegation of human rights violations, in the line of duty. The President's firm stand vis-a-vis the country's War Heroes, and the tone and tenor in which he made this pledge, no doubt, would have convinced the public of his sincerity. It has certainly taken the wind off the sails of the Joint Opposition which had been carrying out a campaign to portray the government as being an “anti-War Heroes”, based on the arrests of some criminal elements among the security forces.

The President made it clear that all those responsible for criminal acts, among the forces, would have to suffer the same consequences, as in the case of the ordinary members of the public who are arraigned before the law, for crimes. The President, no doubt, has made this distinction to impress upon the public that crime never pays, whoever may be the perpetrators. True, members of the security forces may have committed excesses in the battle against the LTTE. But these could, by no means, be categorized as cold blooded killings, as in the case of the murders of Lasantha, Prageeth and Thajudeen. These were not conducted in the heat of battle but carefully planned and executed. Hence the President's position that he will not cover such elements in the security forces will be widely acknowledged by the public.

Today, hardly a day passes without some former member of the armed forces, or a serving member, reported to be involved in serious crime, such as murder, rape, or robbery. What would be the position if the President grants blanket immunity to all armed forces personnel? This is exactly what the Joint Opposition is telling the government to do. Will not such a course lead to a complete breakdown in law and order leading to a state of anarchy? Members of the security forces cannot have a license to commit criminal acts just because they fought on the battlefield.

True, the question of manpower compelled the recruitment of persons to the forces without proper screening, and, needless to say, a not inconsiderable number of criminal elements found their way into the tri-forces. It is these elements that did the dirty work of politicians to get rid of meddlesome journalists and others. Therefore the President's decision to put the record straight is not only timely but also puts the whole issue in its proper perspective.

The Island Editorial

The safety of bond scam witnesses

31 March 2017

 

Western Province Chief Minister Isura Devapriya has dropped a bombshell. Addressing the media on Wednesday, he declared that witnesses, giving evidence before the presidential commission of inquiry probing bond scams, were without protection and the IGP had to be held responsible should harm befall them. He has apparently sought to support his argument with Chairman of the presidential commission of inquiry K. T. Chitrasiri’s statement on Tuesday that the IGP had not heeded a commission request for more police personnel.

One is intrigued. One may have thought political violence was a thing of the past and butter wouldn’t melt in the mouths of the yahapalana leaders, pretending to be ‘incapable of harming even an ant’. They claim to have restored democracy, ensured judicial independence and given police freedom to maintain the law and order without fear or favour. They are busy probing goon attacks and government-sponsored violence under the Rajapaksa administration. But, now, a yahapalana heavyweight has hinted that they are capable of what their predecessors were notorious for—harming opponents! Devapriya is quite au fait with the yahapalana affairs and there is no reason to doubt his claims.

CM Devapriya’s statement is a damning indictment on the yahapalana administration, whose big guns wax eloquent ad nauseam on their commitment to protecting democracy and human rights. The so-called national unity government, whose ministers are at one another’s jugular, consists of several political parties, but the ongoing bond scams probe is inimical to the interests of only the UNP. The SLFP finds a perverse pleasure in upsetting the UNP by flogging that issue at every turn. So, logically, threats to the witnesses should emanate from the members of the UNP, and no one else, though Devapriya has stopped short of naming names.

President Maithripala Sirisena ought to pay heed to the ominous warning sounded by his trusted lieutenant, Devapriya, who is promoting him as the next presidential candidate of the SLFP. The safety of the key witnesses in the bond scam probe must be ensured. Malicious propaganda campaigns are already underway to discourage them from revealing the truth. The Central Bank officials deserve praise for their courage to stand up to the government in power and retaining their sangfroid in the face of a hostile campaign carried out by pro-UNP groups against them.

Anything is possible in this country where politicians consider even their closest allies expendable and, therefore, nobody is safe when they get into hot water and face the prospect of losing power.

Meanwhile, the SLFP faction of the yahapalana administration seems to think the masses are asses. Its members benefited from the Rajapaksa government and unflinchingly endorsed everything that regime did. They voted for ratifying the 18th Amendment and impeaching the then Chief Minister Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake among other things. They lined their pockets and abused power. Today, they are condemning the former administration as if they had never been members thereof. While enjoying the best of both worlds they are tearing into the UNP in a bid to absolve themselves of the blame for the wrongs the present government is committing.

These hypocritical elements need to be told that they were instrumental in shielding the bond racketeers two years ago. In 2015, President Sirisena dissolved parliament before the COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) headed by upright, intrepid leftist, D. E. W. Gunasekera, presented its report on bond scams to the House. Thus, he prevented an adverse COPE report being used against the UNP, upon which he was dependent to keep the Rajapaksas at bay at the general election in that year. Today, he is out for the scalp of former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran because such action helps him tame the UNP, which is undermining his authority.

Chief Minister Devapriya should be thanked for his concern for the safety of the witnesses in the presidential inquiry into the bond scams. But, should anything untoward happens—absit omen!—the blame for that must be apportioned to both the UNP and SLFP factions of the yahapalana government.

Ceylon Today Editorial

De-stabilizer of nations

30 March 2017

The Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and particularly the international community -which wants to make the island the guinea pig for their war crimes probe in partnership by force with foreign jurists, should, nonetheless, take note of recent happenings in the island's North, the welfare of which people, the international community led by the West's agent, the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), acts as their godfather, as befitting their own set agenda.

This newspaper, in two of its articles published in its Monday's edition, reported about the plight of, in particular of the Tamils in the North, not because of alleged atrocities committed by GoSL and of its agents, such as the Armed Forces and the Police, but, firstly, due to the actions of certain South Indian politicos and secondly, the UNHRC Resolution of October 2015 that calls for international jurists to investigate alleged war crimes vis-à-vis the GoSL-LTTE war and the repercussions of such an international investigation on former LTTE cadres, though, not necessarily in that order.

The lead story on this newspaper's Monday's edition pointed out that a renowned South Indian artiste Rajinikanth who was billed to donate houses built by a philanthropist to the citizens of Jaffna, was however prevented from visiting Sri Lanka for this mission due to the actions of certain South Indian politicos.

The other was an interview with a former LTTE cadre Ganeshalingam Chandralingam alias Thulasi published elsewhere on the pages of this newspaper, which warned that if an international tribunal, as advocated by the UNHRC, to which, foolishly and unthinkingly Colombo endorsed then, is set up, that may well mean the re-trial of 12,000 LTTE cadres already rehabilitated under Sri Lanka's own domestic judicial mechanism, or by its own domestic laws.

On Rajinikanth being blocked from visiting the island by certain South Indian politicos, this newspaper reported that there were protests by Jaffna citizens against this obstruction, i.e. by the very people, whom the international community led by the UNHRC, charges are victims of war crimes allegedly committed by GoSL and its agents.

But these protests were not against the GoSL for committing alleged war crimes against them, they were against those South Indian politicos responsible for blocking Rajinkanth's visit to the island.

Freedom of movement is a democratic right endorsed by the UN. But if this freedom is by anyway threatened or abused, allegedly due to acts of omission and commission committed by certain individuals, then, such acts need to be investigated by the authorities.

Might is not right, but right is might.

Meanwhile, the UNHRC Resolution of October 2015 not only confines itself to investigating alleged war crimes committed by GoSL and of its agents, but also by the LTTE. But, as pointed out by Thulasi, this may entail the reinvestigation of 12,000 former LTTE cadres who have since been released by Colombo, after serving their prison sentences for acts of terrorism.

If the domestic judicial mechanism was good enough to try those 12,000 former LTTE cadres, since released, can this same local mechanism be now considered as being bad enough by the international community so as to conduct their own investigations on GoSL and of its agents for alleged war crimes?

Is that the reason why the UNHRC wants international jurists to investigate such war crimes only?

Nonetheless, this cry against an international judicial investigation on the island's affairs is not coming from a member of the majoritarian Sinhala community whom the UNHRC led by the West despises as being the fountain of all evil, perpetrating crimes against the Tamils, particularly against the Northern Tamils, but this protest comes from a member of the Jaffna or the Northern Tamil community, and not by just a Jaffna Tamil or a Tamil from the North per se, but by a former LTTE cadre himself, in the name and form of Thulasi.

The UNHRC led by the West cannot limit its so called international judicial mechanism to try only GoSL and its agents, but as pointed out by Thulasi, it may also have to drag and reopen the cases of those 12,000 former LTTE cadres (whether they be from Jaffna or elsewhere from the North or for that matter from the East is not the question) as well, on the premise that all are equal before the law.

One cannot have a set of international laws covering only GoSL and its agents, while at the same time exonerating those 12,000 former LTTE cadres already cleared by the domestic laws of the country?

Not only must justice be done, it must also be seen to be done.

UNHRC led by the West, at least in the Sri Lankan context, is not just a bull in a china shop, but is also a de-stabilizer of a democratic country.

Daily News Editorial

Vasu’s gambit

30 March 2017

Firebrand Joint Opposition MP Vasudeva Nanayakkara has called on the government to instruct the courts to release his colleague Wimal Weerawansa, now on a hunger strike. Nanayakkara says the MP has not been found guilty but only taken into custody merely on suspicion. His detention therefore was unlawful, the JO stalwart asserts.

Nanayakkara is well aware that Weerawansa was placed in remand following his indictment by court and that his revision application for bail too was rejected by the High Court which held with the Magistrate that that the offence was unbailable. This clearly shatters Nanayakkara’s argument that the MP was being held merely on suspicion. Weerawansa was taken into custody following due process. The complaint against him that he misappropriated state vehicles incurring a loss of Rs. 90 million to the government was gone into by the law enforcement and he was subsequently arrested based on hard evidence that transpired in the investigation. Courts don’t throw people into jail merely based on suspicion but after hearing arguments of both, the prosecution and the defence, and considering corroborative evidence. To suggest, then, that the MP was being held based only on suspicion is indeed a dubious claim made by Nanayakkara who is a senior attorney- at- law.

As a lawyer, the MP is clearly aware that the government cannot instruct the court to release those held in custody. Nanayakkara may well be entertaining the thought that this indeed could be done by the President, going by the precedent set by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa releasing the wife of one his ministers, who was in death row for the murder of hubby’s mistress, or on the basis of a presidential pardon granted by another President to a convicted rapist. But it is difficult to imagine that such precedents will be followed by a government which claims to be wedded to Yahapalanaya. The President had demonstrated his bona fides in this regard when he went public to claim how a deposed Chief Justice had pledged to deliver verdicts in favour of the government, if that was what it wants, in turn for his retention in office. Hence it could be reasonably assumed that the government will not interfere in the functions of the judiciary.

By urging the government to request the court to release Weerawansa, and faulting the courts for holding the MP on mere suspicion, Nanayakkara also has scored an own goal of sorts. The MP’s contention, no doubt, would be received with glee by those clamouring for a hybrid court with foreign judges. The MP has sent a clear message that the Lankan courts is flawed and justice could not be expected from our judicial system. The MP also makes the case that Weerawansa was not conducting the hunger strike to get himself released from remand custody but to protest against the burning issues in the country, such as the sale of state assets to foreigners, rising cost of living and indirect taxes.

If that indeed is the case it certainly is an extreme action. We thought that there are enough protests being carried out, highlighting these very issues, and more, by mobs supportive of the Rajapaksas. Does Weerawansa believe that, by offering his life, the cost of living would come down, or, there will be a moratorium on the sale of state assets to foreigners, or, the indirect taxes imposed on the public would cease? It is this selfsame Weerawansa who staged a death fast opposite the UN compound in Colombo for something as fantastic as getting then UN Secretary General Ban-ki-Moon to drop charges against Sri Lanka. Not just the MP, but all government institutions were ordered by Mahinda Rajapaksa to protest against Moon and May Day in 2012 was converted to one mass anti-Moon protest, for all the effect it had on the UN. The NFF leader’s concerns, on behalf of the suffering public, should indeed be appreciated. But it would have been much more endearing if he thought about the public when he caused a loss of Rs. 90 million of tax payers’ money, if indeed the allegations against him are true. Nanayakkara has also made another pitch to justify the release of Wimal Weerawansa from remand prison. He claims that the MP’s daughter had fallen sick following her father’s prolonged stay in remand and gives this as a reason for securing his release.

Nanayakkara, as a lawyer, may have defended countless suspects from the other side of the dock and, while, he may have been successful on some occasions he would not have been able to secure an acquittal at other instances. We have never heard, though, of Nanayakkara the lawyer pleading for the release of his convicted clients, based on the trauma undergone by their children. It is hoped that the reasons adduced by the MP to secure the release of his colleague will not open the floodgates, as also with the MP, now on hunger strike.

The Island Editorial

When cops play games

30th March 2017

Many an eyebrow has been raised by Chairman of the presidential commission of inquiry probing bond scams, Justice K. T. Chithrasiri’s statement on Monday that his request for more police personnel had gone unheeded. He revealed that IGP Pujith Jayasundara had not even acknowledged receipt of his letter. This is a very sad state of affairs.

Even if an ordinary ruling party MP attends a culvert opening ceremony police personnel in sufficient numbers are deployed to protect him and other self-important persons. Not even a religious or cultural event such as a perahera is complete without a heavy police presence. It is intriguing why police have chosen to ignore a request from the head of a presidential probe. They wouldn’t have done so unless they had been confident that someone would leap to their defence if they got into trouble over noncompliance. One can't but wonder whether this is part of a conspiracy by those opposed to the bond scam probe to throw a monkey wrench in the works.

One may argue that there is no need for any more probes into the bond scams and the culprits have to be arrested, remanded and arraigned on criminal charges without further delay. The Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) alone has suffered a staggering loss of Rs. 10 billion due to the bond scams, according to a report submitted by a probe committee appointed by the Monetary Board of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. The government is lucky that Rathu Sahodarayas and other trade unionists are colluding with the UNP. Otherwise, workers would have taken to the streets by now, demanding that the loss suffered by their superannuation fund be recovered and those who abused their savings be arrested.

Opposition politicians who are alleged to have abused public property are made to languish in remand prisons while investigations are being conducted. But, nobody has been arrested over the biggest ever financial fraud in this country. How would the CID and the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) have reacted if any Opposition MP or his lackeys had been involved in the bond scams? All the suspects would have been arrested, produced in courts and bussed all the way to remand prisons; their bail applications would have been rejected.

One should not be so naïve as to expect those responsible for the bond scams and their political masters to be brought to justice. The UNP will go to any extent to open an escape route for the cornered racketeers. For, they are likely to spill the beans if they are left in the lurch. All chances of the UNP winning elections in the foreseeable future will be ruined in such an eventuality. However, the on-going presidential probe is welcome in that vital information about the bond scams is now available to the public, who can make informed decisions when they exercise their franchise at future elections.

The onus is on President Maithripala Sirisena to ensure that the commission he appointed to probe the bond scams have all necessary facilities to carry out its task. Let it be provided with any number of police personnel it requires on a priority basis. An explanation is called for as to why the IGP has not acknowledged receipt of Justice Chithrasiri's official letter. Noncompliance on the part of police, at issue, is tantamount to an affront to the President.

Ceylon Today Editorial

Beware of H1N1 influenza!

28 March 2017

Following many news reports that surfaced in the last few weeks, there has been an increasing interest in the H1N1 influenza virus among the public. With 400 patients reported from the North alone earlier this month and two deaths reported from Kandy last January, this is the second outbreak since 2015.

Moreover, authorities have been on alert since the number of patients tested positive for the H1N1 influenza virus in the Maldives rose to 176; the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) quarantine division has stepped up surveillance for passengers from the Maldives.

H1N1 influenza is a flu-like illness which spreads from person to person through coughing, sneezing, or touching infected surfaces. Although H1N1 was earlier referred to as "swine flu", this term is rarely used anymore because the illness does not spread through contact with pigs. Furthermore, because this virus is relatively new, many of us are not immune to it. This is one of the main reasons this influenza spreads very fast, and it is believed to be more common among children and young adults.

With its discovery back in 2009 and its eventual spread to India and the South East Asian region later in 2015, the H1N1 influenza has been tested as the most prevalent influenza in the region. However, according to most authorities on the matter, the situation in most parts of the country where the disease was reported – Kandy, Kilinochchi, other parts of the Northern Province and Bibile – has turned relatively better, with the patients recovering successfully.

H1N1 symptoms start three to five days after a person has been exposed to the virus, and can last for about eight days. Symptoms may include fever, sore throat, cough, muscle aches, headache, chills, fatigue, a runny or stuffy nose, vomiting and diarrhoea. Of the complications that could arise, H1N1 is only fatal if it develops into pneumonia – which only has a small possibility of happening and is also treatable.

The BIA set up a health desk last week, after it was reported that there was an outbreak of the virus in the Maldives. Accordingly, during the week, up to 300 incoming passengers were referred to the health desk, and about 105 showed symptoms of H1N1 influenza. Meanwhile, SriLankan Airlines has activated Communicable Disease Procedures on its flights that are operating in and out of Male.

Wear a mask when moving around in crowded places; particularly if there have been reports of the illness from the area. If you feel that you have any of the symptoms mentioned earlier, the Health Ministry advises plenty of bed rest and avoiding large crowds, to prevent spread of the illness.

Furthermore, it is advisable to wash your hands regularly with soap and water in addition to drinking plenty of liquids.

Seek advice from your family physician if you think you might have fallen victim to the virus. Special investigations or admission to a hospital is not necessary for mild cases.

Always use a handkerchief or a tissue whenever you sneeze or cough. If you do not have either, you can use your elbow to cover whenever you sneeze. Don't use your hand as you could spread the illness through anything you touch.

But most importantly, it's the fake information that spreads alongside the disease itself that can be deadly to the public. With the growing public interest in the subject, it is obvious there is false information about the disease being spread throughout the country – from incorrect details regarding symptoms to inaccurate mortality rates – making matters worse for those who have not yet been diagnosed with the disease but might be facing its symptoms. The spread of false information can be similarly deadly as the disease itself, given its severity.

Therefore, it is vital for you to be aware of the disease in order to avoid taking rash decisions based on false knowledge.

Prevention is better than cure, as we all have heard. And accordingly, the best way to prevent the disease as well as the negative implications of false information is to be aware.

Daily News Editorial

Mobs opposite prisons

28 March 2017

The public have been treated to the most bizarre scenes since NFF leader Joint Opposition firebrand Wimal Weerawansa commenced his hunger strike last week. While supporters of the MP were demonstrating outside the Welikada Prison, urging the authorities to release the MP, a group of Buddhist monks were shown chanting seth pirith on a makeshift stage to invoke blessings on the remanded politician. The MP is on a hunger strike protesting against what he calls government interference in his case. This amounts to a direct accusation against the court, the implication being the courts are taking direct instructions from government politicians. How the court will view the MP's claim will be eagerly watched in legal circles. Has the MP let himself in for a contempt charge?

Be that as it may, Weerawansa who prides himself as a true socialist should not hesitate to take the rough, not losing sight of the fact that he is not alone in his predicament and that there are countless fellow inmates who are made to suffer for their follies. By staging hunger strikes the MP has exposed himself badly and has shown himself to be a person who cannot stomach the discomfiture of a remand cell. Perhaps, the luxury living Weerawansa is said to have indulged in when he was a powerful Minister under Rajapaksa, has made him soft.

The MP should submit himself to the law instead of trying to wriggle himself out of his present situation by staging hunger strikes and getting crowds to protest on his behalf. The MP was placed in remand custody following a court order for alleged misappropriation of state property that caused a Rs 90 million loss to the government. This was after a due process of investigation by the law enforcement, as in the case of any other investigation, following a complaint. Weerawansa cannot claim that he was being subject to a witch-hunt because he was put through the due process of law. His plea to the court to consider his daughter's mental anguish as special circumstances too is untenable given that a majority of our prisoners too have left behind their loved once who in all probability would be going through the same trauma. The MP had the opportunity to defend himself through his lawyers and in fact even made a dock statement in court where he accused the government of politically victimising him.

Hence, the Buddhist monks, now chanting seth pirith opposite the Welikada jail, cannot complain that the MP was denied an opportunity to present his version of the events, unlike in the case of war winning former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka who was subjected to a Kangaroo court trial. Neither was there any seth pirith chanting, then, by any of the Buddhist monks now active to secure the release of a politician who was afforded every opportunity to defend himself but refused bail after the court found the evidence sufficiently serious.

The monks may have only been invoking blessings to ensure no harm may visit the fasting man. But it also amounts to an attempt to secure his release. The chanting crowds and the slogans they shouted were indicative of this. If that is indeed the case, the action of the monks in trying to secure the release of an individual who has been subjected to the laws of land, through divine intervention cannot be accepted. It certainly is going to send the wrong message to would be felons that crime pays and that the gods will be at hand to secure their release. Today, some of Buddhist monks are seeing chanting seth pirith for the wrong reasons and at the wrong places. It would not be surprising if another group of monks repeat the Welikada prison act, to also secure the release of Duminda Silva, now on death row, or some other criminal who have fallen foul of the law and serving time behind bars. All religions enjoin that one has to suffer the consequences of once actions. Besides, no god would condone theft or felonies and by seeking the intervention of religion to attempt to set wrong doers, who have been duly punished under the law, free, those involved in the whole exercise would only be causing disrespect and dishonour to that religion and its founders.

It is time that the government takes firm action against those trying to challenge the due process of the law being implemented. If crowds are allowed to converge opposite prisons, accompanied by members of the clergy, to create scenes, demanding the release of convicts, there will no knowing where it will all end up. The day will not be far when unruly mobs will be seen going berserk in front of the country's prisons to secure the release of inmates. The public, was not so long ago, witness to similar scenes near our court houses. Now the scene apparently has shifted to our prison houses.

The Island Editorial

When sailors buoy coffers

28 March 2017

 

The government, caught in a mega debt crisis, is desperate for funds and apparently doesn’t care where they come from. Time was when the traffic police considered it their bounden duty to make roads safe by preventing accidents. They did everything in their power to discourage reckless driving and jaywalking. But, today, they seem to think their raison d’etre is to raise funds for the state coffers by way of fines instead of preventing road mishaps. It looks as if they waited patiently behind wayside trees etc for traffic offences to be committed so that the culprits could be fined.

Now, the Navy brags that it has helped the government rake in as much as Rs. 3 bn by facilitating the On-Board Security Teams (OBST) operations for the last one and a half years. Acting on a presidential directive, consequent upon the Avant Garde floating armoury controversy, it undertook to receive, store and issue weapons, ammunition and equipment from local and foreign OBST teams, tasked with protecting merchant ships against Somali pirates.

The government ought to reveal how much the state has lost owing to the cancellation of UN-sanctioned anti-piracy operations, carried out by a group of ex-military personnel under the previous government. Alleging that Avant Garde and the state-owned security firm, Rakna Arakshaka Lanka, had run afoul of the law, the incumbent administration instituted legal action against them as well as some heavyweights of the Rajapaksa government connected thereto before handing over the OBST operations to the Navy.

If it can be proved that there have been any transgressions on the part of Avant Garde, Rakna Arakshaka Lanka and the politicians as well as public officials associated with them, deterrent punishment is called for against them. But, it boggles one’s mind why the former Sri Lankan military personnel should ever be prevented from making use of their expertise to ensure the safety of commercial vessels, threatened by pirates, and bring in the much-needed foreign exchange in the process.

The Somali pirates have, through the recent hostage drama, proved that their striking capability is far from diminished though they have been lying low. Sri Lankan military personnel, who decimated the LTTE’s naval arm and are now in retirement, will be able to help remove the scourge of Somali piracy; their support should be enlisted under proper state supervision.

Some western nations have made no bones about their opposition to the involvement of Sri Lankan armed forces in what they describe as commercial activity. The yahapalana government has put the kibosh on some of the army-run shops in the former war zone as a matter of policy under international pressure.

Ideally, armed forces or police must not be allowed to get involved in business activity lest their members should develop a taste for dosh and succumb to its corrupting influence. But, the question is why the aforesaid nations have not raised any objections to the Sri Lanka Navy facilitating the lucrative OBST operations. They have, while making a hue and cry about accountability issues, secured Sri Lanka’s backing for extraordinary renditions, which, in plain English, mean abductions on foreign soil and transferring the captives to torture camps.

Rewards for the Sri Lanka Navy’s cooperation in helping tackle the problem of Australia-bound illegal immigrants have come in the form of two naval vessels from down under. The Australian coastguard takes into custody the economic refugees who embark on perilous voyages from here and hand them over to the Sri Lanka navy for onward action. This, Australia does while accusing the Sri Lankan armed forces of having committed war crimes and denying their officers visas!

The present government’s propensity for public-private partnerships even in respect of state ventures which are either profitable or can be turned around with little effort, is only too well known. It has called for private sector participation in the domestic air services currently provided by the Sri Lanka Air Force. But, it has left the OBST project entirely to the Navy. Is it because the yahapalana leaders act out of expediency, not principle?

Ceylon Today Editorial

INDO-PACIFIC ENTER THE BEAR

26 March 2017

When Premier Narendra Modi went to Moscow for talks with Russian President V. Putin, in December 2015, the latter presented Modi with an 18th century sword from Bengal that belonged to the Najafi Dynasty, and according to some, not something that evokes fond memories in the minds of Hindus of India. Shortly after they signed agreements to boost Indo-Russian cooperation in the all important and globally significant defence and nuclear energy fields, besides agreements facilitating Indian companies' participation in Russia's oil and gas sector as well as opening up the energy sector in India to Russian participation. The meeting between the two leaders was dubbed as the 16th India-Russia Summit at the Kremlin.

It began with a restricted meeting between the two leaders.

It was after their exclusive tete-a-tete that they were joined by their respective delegations.

To date, no one knows what Modi and Putin talked about that was so vitally important that their delegations should not know anything about the nature of those talks. This visit came about a few months after Modi visited China where talks did not go beyond matters of economic cooperation including investments in India. Modi added that he hoped his visit would strengthen stability, progress and prosperity in Asia. Since then however, we have not seen any thawing on the political front where India and China are concerned, with China driving hard bargains with President Sirisena and Premier Wickremesinghe for big stakes in Colombo and Hambantota, that can openly mean a futuristic militarist strategy in the pipeline that has unsettling concerns for India and other nations.

Sirisena with no excuses did not respond to an invite from Chinese President Xi Jinping last year in the aftermath of soured relations arising from the new Lankan government's tilt towards India and the US in matters related to the Colombo and Hambantota harbours and airports, and stronger defence related agreements with them.

The entry of the Russian factor, especially after a huge lapse of half a century, is no mere coincidence and hence can be seen not as an isolated issue in Lankan foreign relations but in the light of Russia being a close ally of China. Sirisena's Moscow visit can, therefore, be seen only as a first step towards more approaches from Putin to ultimately alter the status quo in the US-India-Lanka nexus. It will be in Putin's and Xi Jinping's interests to ensure that the US presence in Manila is eliminated and that a US and Indian presence in the North, Colombo and South (Hambantota) is not allowed to take firm root.

This is the underlying significance in a Russian leader suddenly wanting to meet the leader of a little South Asian nation...something that no predecessor of his has been interested in, whether from the then USSR or the current Russian Federation, for nigh on 50 long years. So then, why the sudden interest just when the US has begin sending down roots in Sri Lanka and the UK, France, US, Australia, Japan and New Zealand seem likely to follow suit?

Despite India having major issues pertaining to security with China, Modi on his Moscow visit went so far as to say that "History is witness to the close ties India and Russia have had over the decades. Russia remains one of India's most valued friends in the world. My visit will deepen the cooperation between India and Russia in the economic, energy and security spheres. We also want to increase cooperation in science and technology, mining among other sectors. Trade ties between India and Russia can increase even further, to benefit not only our two nations but also the world." He said all this despite having forged unprecedentedly closer military/security ties with the US and thus sent a message to Putin that India would see him as a factor out of the frame in which China dominates as a potential threat. By Sirisena also going to Moscow despite having entered into deeper defence and other cooperation agreements with the US, he was in fact blunting any tendency Putin might entertain in taking China's side against any future rift with Sri Lanka on issues relating to military use of Hambantota or Colombo.

This dual approach to China and Moscow are obviously ways in which Modi and Sirisena have opted to effect a course change in policy in the light of the fact that US President Trump has obviously decided on a softer stance vis-à-vis any potential confrontational approach to Russia.

We could be hence seeing the beginnings of a quantum shift in South Asian policy stances towards Putin aimed at perhaps persuading him to drop his plans of aggression in the Baltic States and Europe and a non-interference policy in the south China seas, Indian Ocean and Pacific regional states apart from NATO.

The Nation Editorial

Parades of shame

26 March 2017

Even though the big match season is in its latter stages, the hype and celebration is yet to die down. While the season has witnessed some memorable encounters in the pitch, the encounters outside the cricket grounds have evoked negative vibes.

Since of late, we have been coming across several incidents of student aggressiveness. A few weeks ago, a fracas between students of two leading schools in Colombo resulted in injuries and damage to properties.

Yet another disturbing incident involving two schools was reported last week where present and past students of Mahanama College, Colombo had forcibly entered into Yasodhara Girls’ School in Borella.

The incident resulted in a tense situation within and outside the school premises following which the boys were handed over to the police.

Soon afterwards, police announced that all girl schools in Colombo would be provided with police protection.

The incident had taken place when students of Mahanama College were on a parade held to mark their big match encounter with D.S. Senanayake College Colombo.

Reports said that the Principal of Mahanama was not informed of the parade. This is a very unhealthy situation where the head of the school is unaware of what is going on.

The perpetrators also included some old boys, who have already walked out of the school gates to deal with the outside world. The old boys have the responsibility of being good role models to their juniors. They are expected to be mature, responsible and provide guidance to the young ones who waver.

Big match parades are not unusual during the season. The parades organized by the schools are held in the run up of the respective big matches.

Over the many years during which these parades were conducted, there have been many occasions where boys would enter into girl schools for ‘hat collection’.

Some of the girl schools, especially the sister schools of the boy schools, are aware of the parades and would allow them into their premises so that there are no tense situations.

However, there have also been occasions in the past where students had jumped into girl schools without permission and created tension. These students were aptly dealt with by the respective schools.

But why do these things happen? Is it part of the gang mentality? As individuals, all students are harmless and well behaved. Inside the school premises one would see one version of the student. But there are other versions to the same individual student once he or she steps out of the gate and mixes with outsiders.

How one behaves outside the school also has an impact on his or her alma mater.

The situation is different in mixed schools. Girls and boys are comfortable with each other. There is a sense of camaraderie. Boys would even protect their female classmates when they sense tension.

But, it is not the case with other schools were it is either an all girls, or boys schools.

Yes Sri Lanka is indeed opening up where girls and boys are becoming comfortable with each other. But, it still does not give the right for boys to forcefully enter a girls school.

The parents too have to play a crucial role in the upbringing of their children.

Unlike the past, it has become a must for both parents to earn in order to run the family. Therefore, it could be that many children do not get more time to spend with their parents. This could also be a reason for children being aggressive.

It is therefore important for teachers to take up the responsibility of teaching good values to the students.

This big match season will be over soon. What about the next one? Do the police have to provide security to girls schools everytime there is a parade?

Sunday Times Editorial

Sri Lanka in superpower geopolitical gymnastics

26 March 2017

Marshal Josip Broz Tito of the former Yugoslavia is credited with the famous quote of yesteryear that Non-Alignment meant “signalling left and turning right”. Or maybe it was the other way around, but the drift was clear.

Today, the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), launched in the 1950s and which went on from strength to strength till the mid-1970s in the midst of the Cold War period is no longer relevant. Sri Lanka, one of the pioneers of this movement is now in the forefront of giving the Movement the boot as being “irrelevant” in the modern day, but Movement’s principles may still be relevant.

NAM was essentially an anti-West movement of nations that were emerging from colonial, mainly Western, rule. It was led by countries like Cuba and Iran at times, and today its chairman is Venezuela, a virulently anti-American state.

The super-power equation has also changed in recent years. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US became the sole ‘policeman’ of the world, but not for long. Russia (which, inter-alia, kept the nuclear arsenal and military hardware when the Soviet Union was dismantled – and has enormous natural gas and oil resources) has bounced back into contention and superpower status, discarding its Communist policies along the way.

President Maithripala Sirisena visited Moscow this week rekindling diplomatic relations established 60 years ago with a country that is largely ignored when the UNP sits in office.

The new player in the super-power game is China, which is already flexing its military muscle in its immediate neighbourhood, especially in the sea lanes of the South China Sea with a long-term view to extending its influence to the Indian Ocean and beyond to the African seas. Hambantota is, therefore, of key strategic interest to China and its People’s Liberation Army-Navy (PLAN). Those in Sri Lanka negotiating a controversial partnership with China to manage the new harbour in the city have come up against some ‘hard ball’ tactics from the Beijing end and seem weak-kneed in response.

China seems to have worked with an iron fist in a velvet glove, so to speak, showing disinterest in economic investment in Sri Lanka unless it gets its pound of flesh. Having compromised the Sri Lankan Government in the first place by building a port in double-quick time, China is now tying Sri Lanka to a debt crisis it partly created; a debt Sri Lanka hasn’t the money to repay thanks to the folly of the previous Administration.

There still remains some confusion about the proposed Agreement with the Cabinet announcing go-ahead plans and President Sirisena suggesting a sub- committee go into its merits. At least there is one commendable clause that no activities of a “military nature” whether on land, sea or air, in and around the port-city will be permitted other than with the permission of the Government of Sri Lanka.

The fact that the US Pacific Command did some joint military manoeuvres in Hambantota with the nascent Sri Lankan Coast Guard cannot be a mere coincidence. That they were concluded on the eve of the visit of the Chinese Defence Minister to Colombo last week seems a VHF (Very High Frequency) signal to the Chinese not to jump to the conclusion that Hambantota is their turf already.

How much the VHF signals are picked up by Colombo’s political and defence establishments only they will know. The US Defence Department was never in sync with its State Department over the northern separatist insurgency in Sri Lanka. Once, the US DefenceAttache in Colombo defended the Sri Lankan Armed Forces and their conduct in defeating the LTTE at the height of the State Department’s thrust in Geneva to belittle the same Armed Forces and tie the country to a resolution at the UN Human Rights Council calling for a tribunal to probe allegations of war crimes. The straight-talking Defence Attache was sent packing post-haste for his public comments.

As President Sirisena held talks with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, a string of proposed Agreements were announced with China in the wake of the Chinese Defence Minister’s visit. None of them has been made public so far. The defence relationship with China is long-standing given that country’s unstinted help in quashing the northern separatist rebellion in Sri Lanka. The Chinese state-owned enterprises need to be factored in commercial roles in Sri Lanka’s strategic assets (ports, airports, highways, power generation) and Sri Lanka’s OBOR-Maritime Silk Route –parts of which the US calls “the Maritime Super Highway” – weighs heavily in Beijing’s favour.

In the midst of this, Sri Lanka is on the verge of extending its 2007 Acquisition and Cross Services Agreement (ACSA) with the USA. Signed by the then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and US Ambassador Robert Blake, it allows America logistic support, supplies and services in Sri Lanka, especially its ports in case they are needed.

In case of any eventuality, such as a super-power clash in the vicinity, Sri Lanka can opt not to take sides and decline these facilities, preventing US military movements.

However, such a step could be considered a ‘hostile act’. Not helping a friend in need is as bad or as good as, helping the enemy. Furthermore, there are murmurs that there are changes contemplated to the ACSA to permit military operations to be launched from Sri Lankan soil. Fuelling these reports is the fact that, in return, the US has given two years grace for Sri Lanka at the UNHRC. In the circumstances, it may be prudent to consider an amendment to the Exclusion clause of the Agreement to suspend its applicability in times of war, and call for a consultative mechanism followed by a public statement clarifying the position.

While nothing is official, and this Government is playing things close to its chest, the super-power geo-political gymnastics is sucking Sri Lanka into shadowy war games; China using the ‘debt card’ and the US using the ‘UNHRC card’ to exert pressure on Sri Lanka. The Indian Ocean Peace Zone proposal initiated by Sirmavo Bandaranaike is now sunk into the depths of the ocean but not so the UN Law of the Sea Conference also spearheaded by Sri Lankan Ambassador Shirley Amarasinghe — as China, India, the US and even Japan extend their naval capabilities and presence in these warm — now simmering, soon boiling, waters. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe recently referred to ‘non-state actors’ also indulging in “maritime terrorism” in the Indian Ocean disrupting economic growth.

With Sri Lanka’s central location in the Indian Ocean, its national security concerns and foreign policy based on geographic location, geo-political realities and geo-economics to replace the fading Non-Aligned Movement, building and balancing military relationships with India, China, the US and Japan will be crucial if Sri Lanka is to remain ‘a friend of all and an enemy of none’. More so, if the Non-Alignment principles are to remain the golden thread that runs through the fabric of its foreign policy.

Sunday Observer Editorial

Russia: enduring friend

26 March 2017

 

President Maithripala Sirisena’s journey to Moscow last week would have been more than a state visit to an enduring, friendly world power. In Moscow is also his alma mater, the Maxim Gorky Literature Institute, where he studied political science after his diploma in agriculture at Peradeniya. A budding communist activist in his youth, the President would have found little difficulty (even if he has forgotten his Russian) in empathising with the vicissitudes of post-communist Russia.

But the President’s personal experience notwithstanding, the enduring friendship between Moscow and Colombo over decades provides a solid foundation for further strengthening of ties. This bilateral friendship has been unwavering ever since diplomatic relations were established in the first decade after cataclysmic World War 2. As the bigger partner, the one-time Soviet Union, and then Russia, generously extended concessionary aid from the inception of post-colonial Sri Lanka’s national development endeavour.

Beginning with capital assistance to early state industrial ventures here, USSR/Russian aid broadened to an extensive educational support program that, over the decades, benefitted successive generations of Sri Lankans. The aspiring rural intelligentsia, empowered by state-funded free education here but disadvantaged by the lack of English language teaching in rural schools, were quick to take advantage of the wide spectrum of educational scholarships offered by USSR/Russia. People who could not afford paid higher education nor had the ability to compete in English language institutions with their more elite westernised counterparts found a saviour in USSR/Russia for their professional and intellectual ambitions.

Today, along with the British Council, American Centre and Indian Cultural Centre, the Russian Centre remains a centre for international artistic and intellectual currents.

In addition to that early support in industrialisation, Russia has been one of the biggest buyers of Sri Lankan tea for decades. Many a local tea exporter has thrived on that steady market in Russia.

Likewise, an early customer for Sri Lanka’s tourism industry was the Russian holiday-goer who once crowded the then pristine beach fronts in Wellawatta and Mount Lavinia. Today, the Russian tourist market has returned with some vigour. Arrivals from Russia topped 56,000 in 2016 alone, despite the current economic difficulties in that country.

Economics and culture aside, Russia has continued the Soviet tradition of providing Sri Lanka with affordable military hardware. In fact the successor suppliers of some defence assets, namely China and Pakistan, have been able to maintain continuity in Sri Lankan defence supplies because much of their own first generation hardware were derived from Russian technology – whether it is infantry weaponry, ground warfare vehicles or ground attack and interceptor aircraft.

President Sirisena’s own Moscow visit will see more trade development as well as the prospect new naval assets provided affordably by Russia.

In addition to development aid, the Soviet Union and, later, Russia, has supported Sri Lanka in international fora in the face of many challenges. And Sri Lanka too has reciprocated, insisting on viewing ties with Moscow as undefined by other global relationships. Thus, Colombo was able to take a neutral position on the Ukrainian issue in recent times, perceiving the problem in the larger context of dynamics in former Soviet Bloc Eastern Europe.

In world bodies, Russia has helped Sri Lanka withstand pressures from rival major powers using her veto in the UN when necessary to block moves initiated by other geo-political camps that could disadvantage Colombo. During the our internal war, Russia, while respecting Sri Lanka’s sovereign interests as a nation, was careful to avoid taking sides in the ethnic conflict knowing full well the dangers of ethno-nationalism in the formation of modern Russia.

After the foreign policy fiasco of the past Rajapaksa regime, Colombo’s careful re-set of foreign policy enables a far more multi-lateral network of friendly relations across the globe. Russia, being a staunch geo-political friend, remains in the ‘inner circle’ of our closest friendly nations and President Sirisena’s visit has served to underline this relationship.

Who gave the orders?

Even as the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva agreed on a further two-year extension for Sri Lanka’s UN-supported democratic recovery project, there were signs last week that yet more criminal investigations into the repressive actions of the previous regime were showing progress.

The succession of attacks on and murders of journalists during the last regime are among the investigations showing progress. Arrests have been made of suspects in the abduction and assault of journalist Keith Noyahr while the Lasantha Wickrematunga assassination probe is also resulting in the unearthing of new evidence.

While relatively junior officers and staff are now being implicated in these acts of violent political repression, the world and, especially Sri Lankans will watch to see how high the trail of complicity goes up the chain of political command. After all, the evidence being turned up in most of these investigations indicate political interests and not criminal ones as motivating these violent acts.

Then the most important question that must be answered is: who gave the orders?

Sri Lankans will want the answers to this question, even if Geneva does not.

Sunday Island Editorial

Command responsibility

26 March 2017

 

Yesterday’s newspapers reported that three non-commissioned officers (NCOs) of the Sri Lanka Army have been arrested and remanded over the Rathupaswela shooting in August 2013. This followed protestors alleging that a factory in the area manufacturing rubber gloves had polluted ground water in the neighborhood rendering their well water unsafe for drinking. They blocked traffic movement on the Kandy road resulting in the deploying of troops who fired on the demonstrators killing three and injuring 26. It is likely that all those killed and hurt did not suffer gunshot injuries. The shooting provoked panic and a stampede and some of the injuries would have been due to that. After the shooting and the pandemonium that followed, soldiers were also reported to have run around roughing up people on the street.

The aftermath of an event which most believed was an over-reaction on the part of the military saw the factory moved to the Biyagama Export Promotion Zone where it has long been in production. There was no conclusive proof that the business, adding value to locally grown rubber, was responsible for the pollution rendering some wells in the area unsafe. Nevertheless, emotions generated by the shooting made it necessary to relocate the factory which was a unit of a local multinational company that has done very well for itself and the country over a long period of time adding value to home grown rubber. That company’s hand protection segment manufactures not only in Sri Lanka but also in Thailand as well. We do not know whether residents of the affected area are now provided pipe borne water as was promised at the time or whether bowser deliveries that were begun then continue; for that matter it is not known whether moving the factory had resulted in the improvement of well water in the area.

But what is known is that the brigadier commanding the detachment deployed to restore order when demonstrators rendered the Kandy road impassable, was given a diplomatic assignment and sent abroad. Also that it took a change of regime and over three years to move forward with whatever investigations were begun at the time of the shooting. It is very clear that there has been a lot of foot dragging on investigations into incidents where there appeared to be a degree of culpability on the part of the then government and its various agencies. Notable in this respect are the Lasantha Wickrematunga assassination, the murder of the well known rugger player Wasim Thajudeen, the abduction and torture of journalists Keith Noyahr, the attempted murder of editor Upali Tennekoon and the disappearance of cartoonist Prageeth Ekneligoda. After months and years of lackadaisical, half-hearted or no investigation whatever, it is only now that the wheels have begun turning. Some arrests have been made and some suspect placed in remand. But whether enough evidence to convict suspects in a court of law has been gathered remains an open question.

The fact that some progress has been made in investigations, together with some arrests and remanding of suspects is well and good; but it is obvious to all that the real culprits behind these atrocities are not the physical perpetrators. The various hit men belonging to state agencies had nothing personal against their victims. They were clearly assigned to do the dirty and there is up to now no indication that the long arm of the law is closing in on those who issued the hit orders. There have, of course been some high profile names mentioned in media reports and some ball passing, such as exchanges between former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka. The name of a top intelligence officer too has, so to speak, been "mentioned in dispatches." At least one senior police officer has been on remand for a period of several months in connection with the Thajudeen case. There was also a bizarre incident of a suspected suicide of an ex-soldier, allegedly leaving a letter owning up to a crime for which some of his mates had been arrested.

Let us hope that those who unleashed the hit men are at least suffering some pangs of conscience about the arrest and remand or persons who had acted on their orders. But whether those who issue such orders have any conscience whatever is a moot point. The hoary old Sinhala idiom that "the king’s dog is more vicious than the king" is replete with wisdom. Most patronage seekers are of that ilk. Unfortunately the long war and the need to overcome an enemy who did not fight according to Queensberry rules resulted in counter measures that were necessary though not the best. This resulted in dehumanizing some of those who had to do what was necessary in the context of the war. It would have been too much to expect that there would be no post-war spillover of such practices both at command and operational levels. Some of the atrocities mentioned in this commentary occurred while the war was being fought. It is not outside the bounds of possibility that some of the perpetrators, brutalized by the war, justified at least in their own minds that means employed justified the end of winning the war.

Ceylon Today Editorial

Dengue out to cull our population

22 March 2017

Every year we experience at least two dengue outbreaks. Both of which are accompanied by the monsoon rains. This year, sticking to its strict schedule has turned up again to cull our population.

Dengue cases are in record level this year during the year's first outbreak. During the first three months of this year 22,562 suspected dengue cases have been reported islandwide, while the most number of cases were reported in this current month of March where the disease reached an epidemic level. Approximately 41.52% of dengue cases were reported from the Western Province.

Last year, 2016, saw the most recorded number of cases being reported across the nation with 54,945 dengue fever cases, compared to 2015's 29,777. However, by January 2017, a record 1,311 dengue cases were reported. At this rate, 2017 might just surpass the record of last year in this epidemic.

The pattern of increasing number of dengue cases, correlated with the monsoonal rains (from May to August and November to January) has allowed the local health sector to come up with a battle plan against the disease. Accordingly, the Colombo Municipal Council's Health Department issued a notice to all hospitals and medical institutions in and around Colombo, advising them to be prepared for another dengue outbreak this month.

Minister of Health and Indigenous Medicine Rajitha Senaratne has announced a motion to increase the fine for facilitation of mosquito-breeding places in their environs up to
Rs 25,000.

Minister Senaratne had noted that the present laws should be amended to control the dengue fever spreading and decrease its incidence. More efficiently, he suggested making it a legal obligation to pay compensation to the immediate relatives of a dengue victim, by those who maintain dengue breeding sites in the area.

Extreme as it may sound, this is in fact, a rather plausible approach to creating awareness through stricter laws. Citizens who negligently maintain dengue breeding sites are currently being fined – but the fine is insignificant and therefore, can be ignored. There are many who do ignore the fine. However, once the fine system is reinforced and the fine increased, people will finally start noticing.

Similarly, the government should also take immediate steps to strengthen the dengue control programme in certain areas. Dengue, being an urban disease, is mainly contracted by citizens in city areas such as Colombo. Fumigating dengue breeding sites take place almost regularly in Colombo, but not so much outside of Colombo. Thus, measures should be taken to address this and strengthen the procedure.

Similarly, the Colombo Municipal Council has initiated a plan to identify potential dengue mosquito breeding sites in the city of Colombo. Under this Anti-Dengue Drive, red notices have already been issued to the owners of 623 residences following inspection by officials, earlier this week.

According to the Dengue Control Unit, so far 76 people have died due to dengue haemorrhagic fever this year. The Epidemiology Unit of the Health Ministry noted that during the last 12 months of the year 2016, 47,182 suspected dengue cases have been reported to the Epidemiology Unit from all over the island. Approximately 49.73% of dengue cases were reported from the Western Province.

The dengue outbreak is a recurring case and easy to predict. The most deadly animal in the world is the mosquito. It might seem impossible that something so miniscule can kill so many people, but it's true. According to the World Health Organization, mosquito bites result in the deaths of more than 1 million people every year – meaning that these tiny insects kill more humans than human murderers. The majority of these deaths are due to malaria, with dengue in the second position.
It is not just the authority's responsibility to prevent this insect from killing more humans. It is also our responsibility to protect ourselves as well as others.

Daily News Editorial

A disturbing trend

22 March 2017

There is an ongoing disturbing trend, if not arrested in time, could develop into an anarchic situation, with grave consequences. We are here referring to the increasing incidents of intimidation of the police by unruly mobs and the unbecoming scenes at several schools, during the recent weeks, where students, together with parents, were seen staging demonstrations, destroying the atmosphere associated with a school.

Mobs surrounded the Moratuwa Police station, the other day, demanding the handing over of the drivers of a bus and a lorry, responsible for the death of a mother and her 13-year-old daughter in an accident. The mobs were seen on Television, threatening the police personnel who were trying to calm the situation, to no avail, necessitating the summoning of police reinforcements from a nearby station. Meanwhile, the day before, in Badulla, yet another mob were seeing besieging the police contingent who had come to settle a dispute over the takeover of a playground. Later the mob who became increasingly unruly were seen hooting at the police.

True, Monday's incident was not the first time that a police station was surrounded by mobs. One recalls a similar instance, not many moons ago, when the Angulana Police station was surrounded by villagers following the death of two youth in police custody. However the recent trend points to rising hostility towards the country's law enforcement, if not contained, could threaten the maintenance of law and order in the country. The Police should assert itself during such situations, not allowing mobs to take the upper hand, lest this conveys the wrong impression to trouble makers that the police could dealt with at their whim. Today, with the Television spotlight focused on all incidents, the tendency could be for mobs to be seen as heroes, with their intimidatory tactics, to browbeat the police into submission. Hence, IGP Pujitha Jayasundera should issue specific instructions to his men not to allow things to get out of hand and for troublemakers to be dealt with severely, without the police getting on the defensive, as we have seen on many an occasion.

The police, as the country's law enforcement authority, cannot be seen to be cowering before a mob. This is not only humiliating to the police service, but also degrading in the eyes of public, considering the awe and respect the khaki uniform commanded in the past. The frequent running battles by the police to control the recent spate of protests, that the public often see on Television, too is a humiliating spectacle that serves to bring down the esteem of the police. Hence, the proposal made by the authorities to confine these protests to designated venues in the city should be seriously considered. The police personnel, by the way, should be given all the incentives to carry out their duties effectively. It goes without saying that only a contented, satisfied, police force will be able to rise to the occasion in the face of any challenge. If not, only halfhearted attempts will be made, not only to control unruly mobs, but also the general duties assigned to them. It is in this light that the proposal to increase the salaries of policemen in certain ranks is to be welcomed. This, while keeping our policemen out of corruption’s way, would also make them put their hearts into their jobs, that would see a more efficient law and order machinery.

While our police are being intimidated by unruly mobs, certain schools too are witnessing mob violence, which, incidentally, are not the doings of hired mobs, but carried out, courtesy, the students themselves, and what is more, with the parents too joining the party. The recent incident at Dharmapala Vidyalaya, Kotte, is a case in point. Here, students and parents had banded together, demanding the ouster of a new principal taking office and the form the protest took is something the authorities should sit up and take note. While the students were creating the ruckus, some even lighting crackers within the schools premises, the parents wore black bands across their faces, gesticulating wildly, aiding and abetting the mayhem. In the melee, the principal, who was besieged, and taking refuge in a room, was forced to tender his resignation and leave, amidst the din.

This is hardly the picture one associates with a school, whose chief role is, not only to impart a sound education to the children, but mould their characters and be responsible for their correct formation, to make them worthy citizens of the country. But what the public was made to witness were scenes of anarchy, and what is worse, two teachers of the school were said to be behind the incidents of instigating and inciting the students to oust the principal.

Education Minister Akila Viraj Kariyawasam should initiate a full scale investigation, in order to get to the bottom of the whole incident. The principal concerned came to take up duties as per the Ministry instructions and what eventually took place was an affront to the Minister and the government no less.

The Island Editorial

Tracking the killers of scribes

22 March 2017

 

The CID has earned notoriety for its selective efficiency. It has suddenly woken up like Rip Van Winkle after eight long years and made some ‘revelations’ about the 2009 assassination of The Sunday Leader editor Lasantha Wickrematunge. It has been going hell for leather during the last several months to bring to justice those responsible for some murders under the previous regime.

A special team under the command of the then military intelligence chief killed Lasantha and attacked other journalists, the CID has claimed on the basis of a statement made by former Army Commander Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka. Denying the allegation, Former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has demanded to know why Fonseka had taken no action if he had been aware of the existence of such a team.

Who is telling us the truth?

It boggles one’s mind why the CID had failed, till a team of medical experts exhumed Lasantha’s remains and conducted a second postmortem, to find out the kind of weapon used to kill him. We are now told that a sharp weapon was used in the killing. Police should at least have been able to establish whether shots had been fired by the assassins of Lasantha. That is a task even a rookie cop, who visits a crime scene for the first time, is equal to.

Of what use is a police force incapable of telling injury inflicted on a victim with a sharp instrument from a gunshot wound? There is reason to believe that some police bigwigs were party to a conspiracy to suppress the truth about the Lasantha assassination. The police officers who probed that crime, under the Rajapaksa government, must be made to explain their serious lapses. Were they under political pressure to hush up investigations? Or, did pressure come from some other quarters?

We believe that the CID has been remiss in its duty. It has not yet questioned former UNP MP Joseph Michael Perera. Making a special statement in Parliament in July, 2008, in his capacity as the Chief Opposition Whip, Perera declared that a special team which operated directly under the then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, was carrying out attacks on journalists. What has prevented the CID from questioning the former MP so far?

The public as well as the media has a right to know whether Perera, on behalf of the UNP, misled Parliament to gain some political mileage or revealed the truth. Let media rights activists ratchet up pressure on the government to order the CID to question Perera and get to the bottom of it. His statement is far too serious to be ignored. Perhaps, police are wary of opening up a can of worms for their political masters.

As we have pointed out through these columns repeatedly, former Associate Editor of The Nation newspaper, Keith Noyahr, currently living in Australia, is capable of helping identify those responsible for attacks on media persons under the last government. For, he is the only journalist to have survived torture and interrogation at the hands of those who harmed journalists; being a senior journalist, he must have been able to guess from the kind of questions put to him who had really ordered his abduction. Keith will be able to shed more light on the issue.

The yahapalana government, too, has reduced police to a pliable tool to further its interests. In a telephone conversation, which happened to be telecast a few months ago, the IGP promised a minister that police would not arrest a politically connected nilame (lay custodian of a shrine) who had run afoul of the law. So, there is no guarantee that the guardians of the law won’t act likewise in respect of those responsible for attacks on journalists if they have government connections.

It is hoped that the probes into attacks on journalists will help bring the culprits to justice without adding to the ongoing political circuses, which are legion.