Monday, February 13, 2017

The Island Editorial

Courts in crossfire


A court order is never acceptable to both parties to a legal battle. The losing side always finds fault with it while the other hails it as justice. The law is no healer and this is why legal action should be considered a pis aller. It is only natural that there has been a mixed reaction to the recent Court of Appeal judgment allowing the SAITM (South Asian Institute of Technology and Medicine) medical graduates to register with the Sri Lanka Medical Council (SLMC).

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa has torn into the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government for invoking the jurisdiction of courts over the SAITM dispute, which, he says, requires a political solution. One is intrigued. It was on his watch the SAITM came into being; he even intervened to have scholarships awarded to some students. If he had then practised what he is preaching today, the SAITM issue could have been nipped in the bud. He has joined forces with the campaigners against the SAITM. What he has done is akin to a father acting out of expediency to disown his child.

Interestingly, the UNP is cuddling Rajapaksa’s baby! It condemns almost everything the Rajapaksa government did, but it is defending the SAITM, which the UNP top guns looked askance at while they were in the Opposition. Higher Education and Highways Minister Lakshman Kirielle has asked the critics of the SAITM to respect the Appeal Court ruling at issue. He has warned that unless they do so they run the risk of being charged with contempt of court. It is heartening that the UNP, which, in 1983, had the Supreme Court judges’ residences stoned by its goons for delivering a judgement in favour of Vivienne Gunawardena in her fundamental rights violation case against police, now respects judicial decisions!

Some JVP heavyweights have declared in public that no court can prevent them from going flat out to have the SAITM abolished. University student activists have also expressed similar views. The JVP and its student wing have a predilection for taking the law into their own hands while campaigning purportedly to protect the rule of law.

Unfortunately, the judiciary has been caught in a crossfire on the question of SAITM. True, it has its share of bad eggs, but, overall, it is one of the few state institutions which enjoy public trust. People have lost faith in the other two branches of government—the legislature and the executive. Irresponsible utterances of politicians et al are likely to tarnish the image of the judiciary. If they take exception to a court ruling they can always appeal against it.

The black-coated fraternity is also responsible for assailing the dignity of the judiciary. A person who recently shouted in a court in support of former minister Wimal Weerawansa has been thrown behind bars. There have been instances where people were sent to jail even for letting out ostentatious yawns in courts. But, some unruly lawyers who wreaked havoc on the Colombo High Court when the White Flag case judgment was delivered in 2011 went scot free. Refusing to accept that ruling they abused a female judge in raw filth and damaged court furniture in protest. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka never so much as condemned their rowdy behaviour which brought the entire legal fraternity into disrepute. Most of the rowdies in the garb of lawyers were backers of the UNP, which is now threatening legal action against those who do not respect court rulings.

One of the first few executive actions of President Sirisena after being inaugurated in 2015 was to deem the then Chief Justice (CJ) Mohan Peiris to have never held that post, which, he declared, had never fallen vacant as the impeachment of CJ Shirani Bandaranayake was unlawful. In other words, according to President Sirisena, Peiris had functioned as the CJ, made appointments, signed vital documents, drawn a salary and enjoyed perks illegally. If one is to go by the President’s argument then there has been a huge financial fraud. Moreover, are the judgements delivered by an outsider who ‘illegally’ functioned as the CJ valid? Why has no action been taken against Peiris for fraud? The government is obviously wary of opening up a can of worms. So much for its good governance! It has caused irrepealable damage to the image of the judiciary.

President Sirisena has done something sensible by undertaking to settle the SAITM dispute. He ought to order a special inquiry into the issue at hand as well as the quality of medical education provided by the state universities, the SAITM and foreign institutions.

Meanwhile, let all stakeholders be urged to refrain from causing an erosion of public faith in the judiciary. Such action will only help political elements with anarchical agendas to plunge the country into lawlessness again.

Ceylon Today Editorial

Rising separatism, racism

14 February 2017

The Constitution says that no person (citizen of Sri Lanka in this instance) shall, directly or indirectly, in or outside Sri Lanka, support, espouse, promote, finance, encourage or advocate the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka.

It further says that anyone who's guilty of contravening such provisions has committed an offence.

Needless to say, there appears to be a lucuna vis-à-vis treating separatism as an offence in the Constitution. Whereas, Article 157A of the Constitution eschews separatism and Article 157A (1) affirms of such, however, in the case of Article 157A (7), it does not expressly spell out the requirement of a provincial councillor or a servant of a provincial council or member of, or person in the service of such, of taking an oath of affirmation of upholding the Constitution.

Nevertheless, the Constitution clearly says that every member of, or person in the service of Parliament or local authority, development council, pradeshiya mandalaya, gramodaya mandalaya or public corporation and every Attorney-at-Law shall swear to uphold the Constitution.

It, however, excludes Provincial Councils (PCs) by word in this oath taking exercise. This may be because the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution which established PCs was passed in Parliament in October 1987, whereas the Act pertaining to the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution which included these anti-separatist clauses was passed much earlier, i.e. four years before, in 1983, long before the establishment of the PCs.

Nonetheless, successive legislators and the Attorney General's Office, in the intervening 30 years to the present, have, however, appeared to have had overlooked addressing this seeming lacuna in the law, by not including members of PCs by word, also having to swear allegiance to the Constitution.

Howbeit, despite this apparent shortcoming in the law, the Constitution is quite clear, that every citizen (and that also includes provincial councillors) should eschew separatism and if he/she doesn't, that person has violated the provisions of the Constitution and hence is guilty of having had committed an offence.

It is in this backdrop that one has to look at 'Eluha' Tamil or 'Arise Tamil' campaign carried out by Northern Province (NP) Chief Minister (CM) C.V. Wigneswaran recently (See Ceylon Today's issue of 11 February 2017).

Among Wigneswaran's/Tamil People's Council's (TPC's)-which he leads, proposals was: '...the need of preventing the Indian fishermen and the Southern fishermen of Sri Lanka coming into the Northern waters...'

While no one is contesting the fact that Indian fishers should not be allowed to fish in the northern waters, or for that matter on any of the island's coastal or territorial waters, what is contentious is the CM's/TPC's demand to stop southern fishers from fishing in the northern waters.

While the CM/TPC doesn't appear to mind 'eastern fishers' (those living in the country's Eastern Province (EP) fishing in the northern waters, they, however have an axe to grind against southern fishers for fishing in northern waters.

Southern fishers are generally identified as Sinhala fishermen, while the EP is generally considered by the likes of Wigneswaran and presumably the TPC which he heads, as being an integral part of the Tamil speaking people, together with, ipso facto, the NP.

It was this theory of the 'traditional homeland of the Tamils,' that led to Sri Lanka suffering from a 26-year old bloody terrorist war which ended only eight years ago on 18 May, 2009.

But, nowhere in the Constitution does it exclude anyone of the country's citizenry from fishing anywhere on the island's territorial waters, except, perhaps, on those coastal waters, for the purposes of national security, being identified as 'no go' zone(s) for fishers, such as those close to Naval bases.

Fishing is however not on the PC list of the Constitution, and, for that matter, falls under the 'Concurrent List', meaning that in this instance, fisheries is jointly owned by the Central Government (Colombo) as well as by the PCs.

Therefore, fishing is not the sole prerogative of either the PCs or the State, but, instead, is jointly owned by both. Therefore, it's not right for either Wigneswaran or for the TPC to call for a ban of southern fishers (i.e. fishers emanating from the majority Sinhala populated provinces of the island) from fishing on northern waters.

Freedom of speech is enshrined in the Constitution, but not so separatism. However, when a politico and a 'party' which he leads, advocate the banning of a group of fishers belonging to, or coming from an area where one particular race predominates its population, from fishing on the waters, purportedly belonging to another geographic area dominated by another race, but belonging to the same country, then such a clarion call smacks clear of being a cry for secessionism, in contravention of the Constitution.

Daily News Editorial

Sri Lanka and Australia: A winning partnership

14 February 2017

Sri Lanka and Australia have enjoyed solid bilateral ties for seven decades, having established diplomatic relations in January 1947, well before Sri Lanka gained independence. It is an event worth celebrating. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe begins a four day official visit to Australia today, where he will hold talks with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and will highlight the close affinity between the two nations.

Regardless of the political parties and personalities in power in both countries, this special relationship has gone from strength to strength. This strong relationship is founded on the shared history of cooperation in areas such as education (dating back to the Colombo Plan of 1950s), trade and investment, culture and development as well as links through the Commonwealth.

Sri Lanka and Australia share an eternal passion for cricket, which is the most popular sport in both countries. All Lankans remember with gratitude the support extended by Australia to Sri Lanka to gain Test status in 1981. From the stunning World Cup victory over Australia in 1996 to the Shane-Murali trophy, the cricket rivalry between the two countries will endure the test of time. In fact, the Premier’s visit will coincide with the Sri Lankan team’s T20 Series with Australia starting in Melbourne on February 17.

Sri Lankans have another reason for their affinity to Australia. Practically every Sri Lankan has a friend or relative who is either studying or living in Australia. There are more than 100,000 Sri Lankans permanently domiciled in Australia, mostly in the major cities such as Melbourne and Sydney. Australia has been an attractive destination for legal migration for young Sri Lankan families and every year, hundreds of Sri Lankans with professional skills take up permanent residency Down Under.

Unfortunately, Australia is also a magnet for illegal economic migrants from many countries in Asia. A few years ago, hundreds of such migrants undertook a dangerous sea voyage from Sri Lanka in rickety boats with the aim of reaching Australian shores. Most of them were rounded up before reaching Australian waters. The Navies/Coastguards of Sri Lanka and Australia worked with the International Organisation on Migration (IOM) to stem this tide and now it is unheard of. The Australian Government regularly runs TV and press advertisements in the two vernacular languages warning would-be illegal migrants that they will not be able to enter Australia illegally. However, both countries should be able to work out a formula where Australia opens up more legal employment and migration opportunities for Sri Lankans.

Both countries should also strive to improve people-to-people contact between the two nations. On average, 75,000 Australians visit Sri Lanka every year. There is a potential for increasing this number to at least 100,000, but the lack of a direct air link between the two countries is a problem. We hope Prime Minister Wickremesinghe will bring this matter up during his talks with the Australian authorities.

Direct flights to Sydney and Melbourne will see a dramatic surge in visitor arrivals at either end. SriLankan Airlines, which has operated to Australia earlier, must explore the possibility of starting direct flights, along with its Oneworld Alliance partner Qantas. Direct flights will obviate the need to change planes at Singapore Changi/Kuala Lumpur/Hong Kong and reduce travel time by several hours.

Trade relations between two countries must improve vastly. Two-way trade has grown strongly at 9.5 per cent year-on-year to A$ 951 million (2015). In 2015, Australia’s investments in Sri Lanka totaled A$ 47 million. These figures are encouraging, but more needs to be done. The Premier’s interactions with the Australian business community will hopefully translate into solid investments.

Education plays a significant role in Australia’s bilateral relationship with Sri Lanka. Australia is the second most popular tertiary study destination for international students originating from Sri Lanka with around 6,000 Sri Lankan students studying in Australia in 2016. This has also become a pathway for legal migration to Australia for Sri Lankans.

Sri Lanka and Australia have unique ecosystems that have evolved over millennia thanks to relative geographical isolation. The two countries can learn from each other when it comes to nature conservation. Both countries also have indigenous populations – Wanniyela Aththo (Sri Lanka) and Aborigines (Australia). This is another sphere that they can cooperate on.

Here in Sri Lanka, we generally include Australia in the broad category of the Northern Hemisphere Western nations, but in reality most Australians (and New Zealanders too) like to align themselves with Asia. There is a debate whether Australia, the island continent, is geographically a part of Asia because it is so close to Asian countries such as Indonesia. But politically, economically and socially, Australia is much closer to Asia than to any other geopolitical bloc. Both countries can play a leading role in defining the future of the Asia Pacific region, the fastest developing region in the world.