The Duminda case
11 September 2016
The long awaited verdict in the Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra
murder case in which former political grandee Duminda Silva was an
accused has been delivered by a three-judge trial-at-bar. This, of
course, is not the final word on the matter. The judgment was divided
with the presiding judge discharging the accused saying the evidence
was contradictory and the accused must have the benefit of the doubt.
The convicts have expressed their intention of appealing and there will
be further judicial examination of whether the verdict was in
accordance with the law. In such matters there is usually no review of
the facts. We all know that the appeal process in this country is
protracted. How long this will take after the conclusion of a long trial
is anybody’s guess. We also know that for many years, in fact decades,
nobody has been hanged here and this is unlikely to change at least in
the short term. So this is not the end of the story. Many more
chapters remain to be written.
What is more important is
the question of politicians, leave aside underworld kingpins, bearing
arms. The protracted war that was mercifully ended and the JVPs second
insurrection resulted in the proliferation of arm in the country on a
frightening scale and most of these are unfortunately in the wrong
hands. During the long years of the war military deserters and serving
soldiers spirited away weapons belonging to the forces and many of these
have not yet been recovered. There was a buck to be made in selling
these to undesirables and many such bucks have been made. In the worst
years of the JVP’s second adventure, there was a real need for the
issue of firearms to those at risk and such people – many of them
politicians – risked being bumped off. Several such murders in fact did
happen justifying arming the vulnerable. In fact, President
Jayewardene made the memorable remark that those are risk must make
their own security arrangements. The government assisted them with
official arms issues.
But in the years after the JVP
rebellion was quelled, very little progress was made in recovering the
weapons that had been officially issued to politicians for
self-defense. Off and on there were media reports of the number of
weapons that had not been recovered but such media interest has now
waned. While we do know that guns were fired by both sides in the
Kolonnawa fracas that led to former political strongman Premachandra’s
death, we do not know whether these arms were officially issued either
to the politicians involved in the shooting or to their official or
unofficial bodyguards. Or were they licensed firearms? All this is
information that should be in the public domain. Quite apart from guns,
the country situation today does not require veritable armies of armed
guards assigned to politicians. Most often such personnel belong
mostly to the police and sometimes the forces when there is a serious
threat assessment. These personnel often become private armies as was
demonstrated in the Kolonnawa shooting that had its semi-finale in the
Colombo High Court last week.
It would be edifying to know
how big the Presidential Security Division, the Prime Ministerial
Security Division, the Ministerial Security Division and other organs
responsible for VIP security are. There is no need to labor the fact
that the deployment of large armies of men to protect the ever-growing
political class would naturally detract from resources available for
ordinary law and order functions of the police. This naturally affects
ordinary people who pay the taxes that fund these various agencies
providing our VIPs with security. It would be foolish for anybody to
say that VIPs should not be protected. There are always trigger-happy
loonies around and what any one of them might do at a given moment is
anybody’s guess. The late Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar was, at
least in the public perception, one of the most tightly protected
politicians of his day. But yet an LTTE sniper from a neighboring home
was able to fell him with a rifle bullet after he emerged from the
swimming pool of his private residence. There was a lot of wisdom after
the event but the foul deed was done.
The public are
certainly happy that the long convoys of vehicles conducting VIPs on
the roads are no longer as visible as they were during the time of the
previous regime. But that is not to say that they are altogether
absent. Such convoys are occasionally seen even now. The blackened
glasses of high-end Mercedes Benz and BMWs do not permit ordinary folk
to see who is riding them. Whoever they are, we would presume that
there must be a threat perception that necessitates security and the
people will not grudge them that. After all there is no purpose in
crying over spilt milk or in this case spilt blood. But there is
definitely a case for re-looking at how big a problem the non-return of
officially issued arms is and also whether there are a reckonable
number of stolen military weapons afloat.
It is an
unfortunate reality in this country that preemptive measures are seldom
taken before problems in many spheres assume explosive proportions.
The non-return of an officially issued firearm once the threat is over
is a far more serious issue that grabbing a cultivator protecting his
crop with an unlicensed shotgun or a galkatas as country made firearms
are commonly known.
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