Penitence: PM shows the way
11 December 2016
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe recently apologised for the
destruction of the Jaffna Library when the UNP was in power in 1981.
This was during the debate on the third reading of Budget 2017 when
expenditure pertaining to the Ministry of Prisons, Rehabilitation and
Resettlement was under discussion.
He claimed that by the
time President Maithripala Sirisena celebrates his second anniversary
of assuming office, a massive amount of development work in the North
would be completed, conceding by way of part rejoinder to heckling from
the Opposition benches that the Jaffna Library was burnt at a time
when the UNP was in power, and apologising for the fact.
"We
regret it. We apologise for it," he said and thereafter asked the
Opposition, "do you also apologise for the wrongs you committed?"
It
has been widely held that prominent and high-ranking UNPers were
directly responsible, although others have claimed that it was the
Police while still others have made a case for the direct involvement
of the LTTE. The Prime Minister, perhaps aware of these various
theories, was careful to focus on who was in power at the time and took
the position that the Government of the day has to be held responsible
if not for planning and implementation, then for instigation or in the
very least for being incapable of preventing it. What he did not say,
but is known to all those familiar with the distribution of power
among institutions and persons as per the 1978 Constitution, is that the
lion share of praise and blame are rightfully owned by the President.
Then, as it is now, one may add. His contention is therefore valid.
What
cannot be disputed is that this pernicious act of arson was as much a
direct blow to the Tamil community as it was an affront to the entire
nation, an act of treason in fact. The Jaffna Library was a national
asset and it is but poor consolation that apart from a handful of
documents the rest were replaceable (according to the country’s
foremost bibliographer, the late H.A.I Goonetilaka). It was not only
books that perished in the raging fire. The possibility of dialogue to
address grievances and aspirations that threatened to get out of hand
was effectively destroyed. Things did get out of hand.
Our
columnist Sanjana Hattotuwa has claimed that Ranil Wickremesinghe’s
apology lacked the intent, delivery and sense of occasion that marked
President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s national apology for the events of
July 1983. The Prime Minister, he claims, was at best being flippant,
considering that the remark came at the end of a speech amid continuous
heckling and was almost an off-the-cuff remark which allowed him to
throw a counter-punch at his detractors by way of the question quoted
above.
What’s important however is that it is now on
record. It was a statement made by the Prime Minister of this country
who was also a cabinet minister of the then Government. This apology
is therefore of a different order from that of President Kumaratunga,
whose party was not in power during July 1983 and in effect placed the
blame for all that unfairly, according to some, on the entire Sinhala
community. The weight of intent, delivery and occasion, made that
unfair insinuation even worse, one might argue.
The Prime
Minister, flippant or not, has sent a message. He has been bold enough
to acknowledge that the Government in power should be held
responsible. He has essentially stated that in the case of gross abuse
of power and unleashing of violence of an order that seriously violates
all norms of democratic practice not to mention the law of the land
and of course the attendant impunity an apology is non-negotiable.
Whether it was political theatre or not, whether it was off-the-cuff or
not, the point was made and recorded. It stands. A question was
asked, a challenge issued. They are recorded. They stand. That’s
what is important here.
As Hattotuwa has pointed out the
burning of the Jaffna Library was not the only major blemish on the
part of that particular government. He mentioned the thousands killed
at the end of the same bloody decade. ‘July 1983’ and the burning of
the Jaffna Library were not the only ‘moments of violence’ that the
Tamil community had to suffer. The security forces doing the bidding
of that government were indisciplined and ruthless. The same
indiscipline and ruthlessness bled into the nineties and to the first
few years of the new millennia. The inability or rather the
unwillingness to differentiate militant from civilian is a crime that
all Governments should be held responsible for, in varying degrees of
course. And of course, the Prime Minister’s move has now made it
incumbent on the relevant parties to come forth, confess and render
apology.
Here’s a partial list: the way the July 1980
strike was handled, the fraud-ridden elections of 1982, the riots of
July 1983, the bheeshanaya of 88-89 and in fact the general erosion of
democracy to the point where anarchy ensued, the corruption that marked
all regimes (you can go back beyond 1980 in this regard), the violence
attending the Wayamba Provincial Council election, the murders of
Rohana Kumara and Kumar Ponnambalam, and all the excesses of the
Rajapaksa years that are frequently mentioned. Those whose parties
ruled and indeed those during whose watch these things happened can
stand up as the Prime Minister stood up. They can acknowledge, confess
and apologise.
And let it not be limited to Governments.
There were those who in initiative and response shed blood and
themselves committed ‘crimes against humanity’. It was not only the
Government that should be held responsible for all the violence of the
1980s. The JVP, to be fair, has acknowledge the role it played in
unleashing terror on the citizenry, although in an off-the-cuff
manner.
The LTTE, one might argue, is no longer around to
stand and deliver in this regard. However, let us not forget that
there were parties which in manifesto and other articles of faith
approved the LTTE and even acted as that terrorist organization’s
mouthpiece in the democratic domain. They too can stand up.
It
takes courage. Wickremesinghe was brave. He has issued a challenge
to one and all and would if pressed acknowledge that he himself belongs
to that ‘one and all’. His work is not done yet in this regard.
However, he’s taken a step. Others have not.
People often
mistake boldness for courage, but the truth is that only those brave
acts that are in some small way powered by humility deserves praise and
yield lasting political wholesomeness. The world rewards humility
much more than politicians believe. Ranil Wickremesinghe’s small but
important act is a step in the right direction. If others follow suit,
it would be an immense boost to the reconciliation effort and will also
go a long way in forging the unity so necessary to bring the good
governance project to fruition.
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