Building peace for prosperity
11th October 2015
While
rabble-rousers harp on 'sovereignty' and 'hybridity', real-life in Sri Lanka
now moves on to bread-and-butter issues such as economic strategy, fiscal
policy for financial stability and the looming Budget. Even as the Human Rights
Council wound up in Geneva, the President and the Prime Minister were winging
their way on missions to cement global engagements all round.
While the President successfully presented Sri
Lanka's case for post-war recovery at the UN General Assembly, Premier
Wickremesinghe returned from official visits to India and Japan with a
briefcase full of massive development aid, promising investment plans and vital
trade and technical support agreements signed. Such much-needed embellishment
of the country's development prospects can only come on the basis of a
comprehensive movement towards social and political stability, which was what
the Geneva Resolution was all about. Both Tokyo and Delhi threw their weight
behind the package of reform and political redress that Sri Lanka pushed
through in Geneva.
They could do so, like the rest of the current UN
Human Rights Council, since the political change in January provided the
external world with a transparent picture of the new social consensus within
the country. This new consensus is the sustained majority popular vote,
demonstrated successively and convincingly, in both the presidential as well as
parliamentary elections, that supports the general orientation of the new
regime. It is an orientation towards inter-ethnic understanding and cultural
pluralism, revival of the rule of law, rational governance as against
superstition and feudalism and, the re-building of democracy as opposed to
autocracy.
This successive and firm demonstration of the
people's will is the best response to all those who worry that national
sovereignty is being undermined. It is this popular mandate that enabled Sri
Lanka to help formulate a comprehensive package for national post-war recovery
that was then adopted by consensus in Geneva with the entire world community -
and not just one or two States - pledging support.
The Prime Minister's visits to Delhi and Japan
saw successful outcomes on the basis of that new found confidence in the
popular will of the Sri Lankan people. If those friendly governments had not
been convinced that the new regime's political commitments are on the basis of
a popular mandate, they would not have been so forthcoming in cash and kind.
The sheer unanimity of world powers on Sri Lanka's new path forward based on
popular will, dispels those fears about 'sovereignty'. Popular discourse and
national debate now shift to the nitty-gritty of the next steps forward.
Economic aid and foreign investment plans now
need rapid design - the implementing architecture needs to be set up and
fine-tuned to ensure smooth and fast fulfillment of investment targets and
infrastructure development. But the economic side of things can only bear fruit
if social and political stability is on track. It is here that the country
faces its greatest challenges. Political and community leaders must
comprehensively contribute towards all the initiatives being taken in the
realms of ethnic reconciliation, inter-ethnic understanding, the clean-up of
public administration and law and order institutions and, an accounting of the
sins of war committed by all sides.
The world will watch as the four major world
religions represented here - Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam and Christianity - share
their spiritual resources creatively in Dharma, theology, and spiritual healing
as they respond to the varied needs of truth-seeking, justice and
reconciliation. Here is the opportunity to show the world that religion is not
merely the tool of pseudo-patriots, communalists and nationalists but, more the
spiritual font of civilised social and political management.
The challenge to re-build democracy calls for the
awakening of the literate society that is Sri Lanka. The ranks of sophisticated
professionals who, for too long have nourished foreign lands, must now
contribute their intellect and special skills towards building an elaborate
architecture for institutional reform and constitutional design. Civil society
groups must help deploy these energies into fruitful channels of consultation
and consensus building which ultimately will see the varied social and economic
interest groups agree on a new political compact that will take form in a new
constitution. Business chambers - which have direct interest in political
stability - the trade unions, rights groups, youth movements, women's
movements, ecology groups must all contribute to this process not merely in
ensuring the articulation of their respective group interests but also in
ensuring that a carefully structured dialogue. It is only such an elaborate
process that will bring societal agreement and consensus on common national
goals and mutually agreed institutions of democratic governance.
Such comprehensive societal support will
strengthen the government's hands and enable it to preside over a genuinely
popular process of constitution-making. Nepal, in recent years, has
demonstrated the value of such civil society supported, government-led
constitution-making. At the same time, we can learn from its mistakes. South
Africa is to help us in post-war reconciliation. India must and will throw its
weight behind the efforts for inter-ethnic dialogue, trust-building and
movement towards a comprehensive political solution to the ethnic question. The
Indian constituent assembly process is a valuable example to emulate.
The world as a whole, and our neighbours in Asia
and our cousins in South Asia are not merely watching as the Emerald Isle
strives to build peace, but all of them are enthusiastic partners, courtesy of
the UN, in this historic endeavour.
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