Professional diplomacy for new foreign policy
11th October 2015
The Prime Minister’s visit to Japan this week hot
on the heels of the President’s to the United Nations very clearly marked a
significant shift in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, away from what was seemingly
an over-reliance on the Chinese sphere of influence. Not insignificantly, the
Sri Lankan President was accommodated at the high table with other world
leaders at the US President’s lunch reception.
Many still ask whether moving away from China is a
good move. China is the emerging power in Asia, has been Sri Lanka’s friend in
good times and bad, unlike the West which hardly helped to overcome a terror
campaign to split the country and which has now landed this country with a
headache in the form of a war crimes tribunal.
Speaking to Japanese lawmakers, Premier Ranil
Wickremesinghe laid heavy emphasis on bringing Japan back as a frontline
economic partner of Sri Lanka. Not long ago, Japan was Sri Lanka’s largest aid
donor, but a global economic slowdown plus Sri Lanka’s eagerness to do business
with ‘no questions asked’ China in recent years, pushed Japan to the sidelines.
Mr. Wickremesinghe spoke of a Comprehensive
Economic Partnership with Japan — something that will have a political input as
well. This will come mainly through Japan’s interests in maritime security and
oceanic issues in the Indian Ocean. It also calls for Japanese connectivity to
India via Sri Lanka — the big picture being a kind of Asian Trade and Economic
Cooperation Organisation (ATECO), spreading from Japan to South Asia, inclusive
of South East Asia and China and making Asia the most powerful of regions in
the world in the years to come.
When Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Sri Lanka
in September last year, he and the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa agreed on a
‘Maritime Silk Route’, China’s strategic positioning in the Indian Ocean up to
the African continent. Sri Lanka was made a ‘Dialogue Partner’ of the Shanghai
Cooperation Organisation, China’s answer to the US/Western military alliance of
NATO.
In March this year, the new Government discussed
with the US an Indo-Pacific economic corridor to connect South Asia with South
East Asia as part of US defence plans for this part of the world linking with
their Trans Pacific Partnership while the Prime Ministers of Sri Lanka and
India discussed defence cooperation issues. The upshot of all this is that Sri
Lanka has agreed to defence-related cooperation with the superpowers with
vested interests in having their say in the Indian Ocean, but the big question
is who will monitor all their competing interests.
Already, the Prime Minister has publicly expressed
dissatisfaction with the way the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is going about its
work. He has not quite given detailed reasons for this unhappiness with the
local ‘Foggy Bottom’, other than for some generalised comments attributed to
him via ‘inspired leaks’ to the local media. Neither has the Minister concerned
responded. So then, is it the PMO (Prime Minister’s Office), or the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs – or think tanks like the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of
International Relations and Strategic Studies (LKIIRSS) that will be tasked
with this onerous responsibility of keeping a tab of these developments.
It is one thing to sign cooperation treaties, but
to sit tight and not keep abreast of what’s happening, merely saying we are in
a strategic geographic location in the Indian Ocean so everyone will have to
come seeking our support, is downright naïve.
Indeed, Sri Lanka is at the crossroads of Europe, Africa and Asia. The Indian Ocean is the world’s most important commercial highway, but South Asia is one of the world’s least integrated regions. It is also the playground of piracy, human trafficking and drug smuggling. US Secretary of State John Kerry said in Colombo earlier this year, “Sri Lanka could serve as the fulcrum of a modern and dynamic Indo-Pacific region”.
For this professionalism is of the essence.
Professionalism was thrown to the winds by the previous administration in
positioning Sri Lanka’s own place in the scheme of things virtually mortgaging
the country to China in return for economic support; a sell-out in many ways.
But what plans does the new Government have to change things beyond signing
cooperation treaties and navigating the new foreign policy as a friend of all
and enemy of none to the benefit of Sri Lankans?
Live debate on death penalty
It is common belief that most Sri Lankan criminals are said to be afraid of only two things; the gallows – and dogs. Neither the police, nor the law, nor the courts, nor prisons deter them. The reference of course, is not to white collar criminals who fear nobody.
It is common belief that most Sri Lankan criminals are said to be afraid of only two things; the gallows – and dogs. Neither the police, nor the law, nor the courts, nor prisons deter them. The reference of course, is not to white collar criminals who fear nobody.
Sri Lanka’s Parliament took up for debate this week
the issue of the death penalty and the Justice Minister said that the
Government has decided to suspend the imposition of the punishment – not that
it has not already been suspended: since 1976 no prisoner (and there are 1,600
on death row now), has been so punished. What was of interest is the reason
given. He said the Government wanted to adhere to a request by the UN (the US
still implements the death penalty) for a Moratorium on the Death Penalty
largely sponsored by the EU.
For the EU to make this demand is ironic, given
that these countries bomb the daylights out of terrorists – and innocent
civilians are killed by their hundreds as ‘collateral damage’ in their ‘war
against terror’. The Justice Minister did rightly concede that the crime rate
was on the rise. Recent incidents in particular have been barbaric, targeting
children. Our News Desk gives a graphic account of the rise in crime.
In Saudi Arabia, stoning to death and beheading are
carried out as punishment for such terrible crimes. As much as these forms of
punishment seem extreme today the argument that the death penalty is a
deterrent to serious crimes still has currency. Unfortunately, the Justice
Minister who is also the Buddha Sasana Minister did not quote from the Buddha’s
first precept i.e. the abstention from taking another’s life, to buttress his
argument – something Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera in his signed piece
to this newspaper has done albeit in passing (page 12). While the Buddha hasn’t
made a direct comment about this form of punishment, the death penalty would be
incompatible with Buddhist teaching; the incident of Angulimala illustrating
the point.
Maybe the Justice and Buddha Sasana Minister felt
the West would say “there goes the Sri Lankan Buddhist Theological State” had
he quoted the Buddha, but it is good that this controversial issue is put to a
wider debate in Parliament – or a Commission of Inquiry as the Foreign Minister
suggests, and broader consensus reached on what is best for Sri Lanka without
overtly burdening the country with such sanctimonious advice from the so-called
International Community.
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