The Island Editorial

Misdiagnosis

26 December 2016

 

A well-known economist cum seasoned political commentator, in an article published in this newspaper today, makes some interesting observations on the draft Development (Special Provisions) Bill, which has run into opposition in some quarters. Pointing out that the proposed ministerial post is not unparalleled he cites instances where the bigwigs of UNP and SLFP governments used such powers to develop the country decades ago. His arguments are cogent and he deserves thanks for infusing some sense into the ongoing debate on the issue.

The main problem with the draft Development (Special Provisions) Bill, popularly known as the Super Ministry bill, in our book, is that it has been introduced by the very politicians who claim to abhor the executive presidency because it is vested with so much of power. They have, in fact, succeeded in pruning some of the executive presidential powers in keeping with their election pledges. So, their efforts to create an extra powerful ministry run counter to their campaign against the concentration of too much of power in a single institution. If their argument that a powerful ministry is necessary to achieve development holds water then they cannot fault their rivals for claiming that the executive presidency with undiluted powers is a prerequisite for safeguarding national security.

Interestingly, almost all MPs and Provincial Councillors of the SLFP-led UPFA are opposed to the Super Ministry bill. They are apparently unable to stomach the fact that the powers of President Maithripala Sirisena, who is also the SLFP leader, are being curtailed while attempts are being made to vest more powers in another government big gun.

Today, the devolution of power has thrown up problems and challenges which were non-existent in the pre-1987 period. There has been stiff resistance from the Provincial Councils (PCs) to the Super Ministry bill. Several PCs have already voted against it. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is reported to have indicated to a group of Chief Ministers, at a recent meeting, his willingness to consider amending the draft bill. This kind of flexibility is most welcome. The Rajapaksa government came down like the Wall of Jericho because it lacked flexibility, which prevents public resentment from welling up and finding expression in a massive protest vote.

UNP and SLFP governments until 1977 never sought to sell the family sliver on the pretext of development. Government leaders and bureaucrats were above suspicion like Caesar’s wife and, therefore, nobody made an issue of the powers they exercised in times of yore. But, most of those currently at the levers of power and their officials have a history of selling national assets for a song. People’s memories of the illegal sale of the Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation and the Lanka Marine Services property under the UNP-led UNF government (2001-2004) are still fresh. The recent Hambantota Port deal is also a case in point.

Efforts being made to create a super ministry are also detrimental to the interests of the country at a time an international campaign is underway to crank up pressure on the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government to go beyond the 13th Amendment to make devolution ‘meaningful’. The Super Ministry bill shot down by some PCs can be construed as a move to enable the centre to take back some of the powers devolved to the periphery. That claim can be used to bolster the argument being peddled in favour of federalism.

True, most of the critics of Super Ministry bill did not make an issue of Basil Rajapaksa’s extraordinary ministry under the previous regime, which was, as we have pointed out in this space umpteen times, a government of the Rajapaksas by the Rajapaksas for the Rajapaksas. That Basil became too powerful as a minister is all the more reason why the proponents of yahapalanaya must oppose the Super Ministry bill if they really feel for the wellbeing of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government. For, Basil’s super ministry was one of the main reasons why the Rajapaksa government became highly unpopular and collapsed. It will certainly be the kiss of death for the government if its leaders are allowed to indulge in self-aggrandizement.

What actually prevents the current administration’s development programme from getting off the ground is a lack of funds and certainly not powers. Even if the government were to succeed in creating the most powerful ministry on earth here, it wouldn’t be able to achieve its development goals without the required funds. A disease has to be properly diagnosed before a remedy is administered.